President George Washington

Mount Vernon 10th May 1786

The favourable terms in which you [Lafayette] speak of Mr Jefferson gives me great pleasure: he is a man of whom I early imbibed the highest opinion—I am as much pleased therefore to meet confirmations of my discernment in these matters, as I am mortified when I find myself mistaken.

New York Jan 21st 1790

I consider the successful Administration of the general Government as an object of almost infinite consequence to the present and future happiness of the Citizens of the United States. I consider the Office of Secretary for the Department of State as very important on many accts: and I know of no person, who, in my judgment, could better execute the Duties of it than yourself.

Mount Vernon, April 3d. 1791

Until we can restrain the turbulence and disorderly conduct of our borderers it will be in vain I fear to expect peace with the Indians — or that they will govern their own people better than we do ours.

Mr. Jefferson's idea with respect to the dispatches for me, is a very good one, and I desire it may be put into Execution.

Mount Vernon 4th. Octr. 1795

Your letter of the 12th. Ulto., after travelling to Philadelphia and back again, was received by me, at this place, the 1st. instant.

The letter from Madame de Chastellux to me, is short—referring to the one she has written to you for particulars respecting herself and infant son. Her application to me is unquestionably misplaced, and to Congress it would certainly be unavailing, as the Chevalier Chastellux’ pretensions (on which hers must be founded) to any allowance from this country, were no greater than that of any, and every other officer of the French Army, who served in America the last war. To grant to one therefore, would open a wide door to applications of a similar nature, and to consequent embarrassments. Probably, the sum granted at the last session of Congress to the daughters of the Count de Grasse, has given rise to this application. That it has done so in other instances, I have good reasons to believe.

I am much pleased with the account you have given of the Succory. This, like all other things of the sort with me, since my absence from home, have come to nothing; for neither my Overseers nor Manager, will attend properly to anything but the crops they have usually cultivated: and in spite of all I can say, if there is the smallest discretionary power allowed them, they will fill the land with Indian Corn; altho’ they have a demonstrable proof, at every step they take, of its destructive effects. I am resolved however, as soon as it shall be in my power to attend a little more closely to my own concerns, to make this crop yield, in a great degree to other grain; to pulses, and to grasses. I am beginning again with Chiccory from a handful of seed given to me by Mr. Strickland; which, though flourishing at present has no appearance of seeding this year. Lucern has not succeeded better with me than with you; but I will give it another, and a fairer trial before it is abandoned altogether. Clover, when I can dress lots well, succeeds with me to my full expectation; but not on the fields in rotation; although I have been at much cost in seeding them. This has greatly disconcerted the system of rotation on which I had decided. I wish you may succeed in getting good seed of the winter Vetch: I have often imported it, but the seed never vegitated; or in so small a proportion as to be destroyed by weeds. I believe it would be an acquisition if it was once introduced properly in our farms. The Albany Pea, which is the same as the field Pea of Europe, I have tried, and found it grew well; but it is subject to the same bug that perforates the garden pea, and eats out the kernal; so it will happen, I fear, with the pea you propose to import. I had great expectation from a green dressing with Buck Wheat, as a preparatory fallow for a crop of Wheat; but it has not answered my expectation yet. I asscribe this however, more to mismanagement in the times of seeding and ploughing in, than to any defect in the system. The first ought to be so ordered, in point of time, as to meet a convenient season for ploughing it in while the plant is in its most succulent state; but this has never been done on my farms, and consequently has drawn as much from, as it has given to the earth. It has always appeared to me that there were two modes in which Buck Wheat might be used advantageously as a manure. One, to sow early; and as soon as a sufficiency of seed ripened to stock the ground a second time, to turn the whole in; and when the succeeding growth is getting in full bloom to turn that in also (before the seed begins to ripen): and when the fermentation and putrifaction ceases, to sow the ground in that state, and plough in the Wheat. The other mode is, to sow the Buck Wheat so late as that it shall be generally, about a foot high at the usual seeding of Wheat; then turn it in, and sow thereon immediately, as on a clover lay; harrowing in the seed lightly, to avoid disturbing the buried Buck Wheat. The last method I have never tried, but see no reason why it should not succeed. The other as I have observed before, I have practiced but the Buck Wheat has always stood too long, and consequently had become too dry and sticky, to answer the end of a succulant plant. But of all the improving and ameliorating crops, none, in my opinion, is equal to Potatoes on stiff, and hard bound land (as mine is). From a variety of instances I am satisfied that on such land, a crop of Potatoes is equal to an ordinary dressing. In no instance have I failed of good Wheat—Oats—or clover that followed Potatoes. And I conceit they give the soil a darker hue.

I shall thank you for the result of your proposed experiments relatively to the winter vetch and Pea, when they are made.

I am sorry to hear of the depredation committed by the Weavil in your parts. It is a great calamity at all times, and this year, when the demand for wheat is so great, and the price so high, must be a mortifying one to the farmer. The Rains have been very general, and more abundant since the first of August than ever happened in a summer within the memory of man. Scarcely a mill dam, or bridge between this and Philada. was able to resist them; and some were carried away a second, and even a third time.

Mrs. Washington is thankful for your kind remembrance of her, and unites with me in best wishes for you. With very great esteem & regard I am—Dear Sir Your Obedt. & affectionate

Go: Washington

Mount Vernon 6th July 1796

That to your particular friends & connexions, you have described, and they have announced me, as a person under a dangerous influence; and that, if I would listen more to some other opinions all would be well. My answer invariably has been, that I had never discovered any thing in the conduct of Mr Jefferson to raise suspicions, in my mind, of his insincerity.

President John Adams

Auteuil August 27th 1784

He is an old Friend with whom I have often had Occasion to labour at many a knotty Problem, and in whose Abilities and Steadiness I always found great Cause to confide.

Quincy Summer 1811

I always loved Jefferson & still love him.

Quincy June 10, 1813

You may expect many more expostulations from one who has loved and esteemed you for Eight and thirty Years.

Quincy January 22, 1825

Our John [John Quincy Adams] has been too much worn to contend much longer with conflicting factions. I call him our John, because when you was at Cul de sac at Paris, he appeared to me to be almost as much your boy as mine, I have often speculated upon the consequences that would have ensued from my taking your advice, to send him to William and Mary College in Virginia for an Education.

Quincy April 19, 1825

I have lost your last letter to me, the most consolatory letter I ever received in my life, what would I not give for a copy of it—

Your friend to all eternity

John Adams

President James Madison

Montpellier, Feb 24, 1826.

You cannot look back to the long period of our private friendship & political harmony, with more affecting recollections than I do. If they are a source of pleasure to you, what ought they not to be to me? We cannot be deprived of the happy consciousness of the pure devotion to the public good with which we discharged the trusts committed to us. And I indulge a confidence that sufficient evidence will find its way to another generation, to ensure, after we are gone, whatever of justice may be withheld whilst we are here. The political horizon is already yielding in your case at least, the surest auguries of it. Wishing & hoping that you may yet live to increase the debt which our Country owes you, and to witness the increasing gratitude, which alone can pay it, I offer you the fullest return of affectionate assurances.

Montpellier, September, 1830.

In one of those scenes [in 1791], a dinner party at which we were both present, I recollect an incident now tho’ not perhaps adverted to then, which as it is characteristic of Mr. Jefferson, I will substitute for a more exact compliance with your request.

The new Constitution of the U. States having just been put into operation, forms of Government were the uppermost topics every where, more especially at a convivial board, and the question being started as to the best mode of providing the Executive chief, it was among other opinions, boldly advanced that a hereditary designation was preferable to any elective process that could be devised. At the close of an eloquent effusion against the agitations and animosities of a popular choice and in behalf of birth, as on the whole, affording even a better chance for a suitable head of the Government, Mr. Jefferson, with a smile remarked that he had heard of a university somewhere in which the Professorship of Mathematics was hereditary. The reply, received with acclamation, was a coup de grace to the Anti-Republican Heretic.

Montpr., April, 1831.

With Mr. Jefferson I was not acquainted till we met as members of the first Revolutionary Legislature of Virginia, in 1776. I had of course no personal knowledge of his early life. Of his public career, the records of his Country give ample information and of the general features of his character with much of his private habits, and of his peculiar opinions, his writings before the world to which additions are not improbable, are equally explanatory.

The obituary Eulogiums, multiplied by the Epoch & other coincidences of his death, are a field where some things not unworthy of notice may perhaps be gleaned. It may on the whole be truly said of him, that he was greatly eminent for the comprehensiveness & fertility of his genius, for the vast extent & rich variety of his acquirements; and particularly distinguished by the philosophic impress left on every subject which he touched.

Nor was he less distinguished for an early & uniform devotion to the cause of liberty, and systematic preference of a form of Govt. squared in the strictest degree to the equal rights of man. In the social & domestic spheres, he was a model of the virtues & manners which most adorn them.

President James Monroe

March 7, 1780

[Below was advice from James Monroe’s uncle Joseph Jones, a member of the Virginia House of Burgesses:]

I have no intimate acquaintance with Mr. Jefferson, but from the knowledge I have of him, he is in my opinion as proper a man as can be put into the office, having the requisites (ability, firmness and diligence). You will do well to cultivate his friendship, and cannot fail to entertain a grateful sense of the favors he has conferred upon you, and while you continue to deserve his esteem he will not withdraw his countenance. If, therefore, upon conferring with him upon the subject, he wishes or shows a desire that you go with him, I would gratify him. Should you remain to attend Mr. Wythe, I would do it with his approbation, and under the expectation that when you come to Richmond you shall hope for the continuance of his friendship and assistance. There is likelihood the campaign will this year be to the South, and in the course of it events may require the exertions of the militia of this State; in which case, should a considerable body be called for, I hope Mr. Jefferson will head them himself; and you no doubt will be ready cheerfully to give him your company and assistance, as well as to make some return of civility to him as to satisfy your own feelings of the common good.

 

September 6, 1782

For my part, till very lately, I have been a recluse. Chagrined at my disappointment with your State in not attaining the rank and command I ought, and chagrined at some disappointment in a private line. I retired from society with almost a resolution not to enter it again. Being fond of study I submitted the direction of my time and plan to my friend, Mr. Jefferson, one of our wisest and most virtuous republicans, and under his direction and indeed by his advice, I have hitherto till of late lived.

Washington July 5, 1815

With Mr Jefferson I had much friendly intercourse while in albemarle, and I am convincd of the interest which he takes in my welfare. The day he dined with us, he seemed anxious, that his disposition towards me should not be misunderstood, as he expressd such sentiments of my services, in the dept of war, to others, as left no doubt on that head. Heretofore he has been practic’d on by artful persons; but time & facts, the strongest of which has been my undeviating friendly deportment towards him, of which he has perhaps had more correct information of late, have put this in a true light. He is naturally frank & affectionate, and in my judgment, incapable of playing a double part. His enemies are never deceiv’d, by an improper confidence in his friendship. His whole family were kind to mine.

Charlestown May 2, 1819

In this place Mr. Jefferson was spoken of in reference to the acquisition of Louisiana. I spoke of him in terms, as strong as I could find, expressive of his extraordinary services to his country & great merit. Heretofore I could not find access to him but in connection with others. Of Genl. W. I could speak, because he stood on separate ground, and I could also speak of my immediate predecessor as such, but Mr. Jefferson was [hemm’d] in on both sides, and I could not touch him without censuring those who went before him. In this instance he stood alone, and I avail’d myself of the opportunity, to do him all possible justice, and disarm those who would turn him, or his name, against me, of the power of doing it with success. For generous acts there never can be self reproach; but in these cases, there has been exalted merit, for it is my candid opinion, that Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison have done more, since the establishment of the revolution (in which Genl. W. was preeminent) than any two persons on the continent. My great object is to bring the country together on just principles, and the course pursued, is I am satisfied, the most likely to succeed.

President John Quincy Adams

May 14, 1817

I am aware that by the experience of our history under the present constitution, Mr. Jefferson alone of our four Presidents has had the good fortune of a Cabinet harmonizing with each other and with him through the whole period of his administration. I know something of the difficulty of moving smoothly along with associates, equal in trust, justly confident of their abilities, disdainful of influence, yet eager to exercise it, impatient of control, and opposing real, stubborn resistance to surmises and phantoms of encroachment, and I see that in the nature of the thing an American President’s Cabinet must be composed of such materials.

June 21, 1822

When I see Mr. Jefferson, with the snows of fourscore winters upon his head and with all the claims of a life devoted to the service of his country and of mankind to the veneration of all, hunted in the face of evidence as a fraudulent peculator of a sum less than 1200 dollars by “a native of Virginia” with a malignity and pertinacity equal to but not surpassing the address and cunning of the accusation, I am willing to forget the charges equally false and equally base of the same native of Virginia against myself. That his charges against me are all as false as that against Mr. Jefferson I affirm, and have proved to the satisfaction of the Committee of Congress upon the expenditures in the Department of State.

January 4, 1824

In entertaining these sentiments it is certainly with all the regard and veneration due from me to Mr. Jefferson, as to one of the men to whom the nation owes its deepest debt of gratitude. I am charged by General Smyth with an attempt to ridicule Mr. Jefferson. An expression, distorted and misrepresented in the kennel newspapers of the present day, is the support which the General has for this accusation. Of that expression and of the cause from which it proceeded, I will not now speak. If the animosities of political contention are not to be eternal, it is time to consign that subject to silence. But I address you in the face of our common country, and I hope and trust this paper will pass under the eye of Mr. Jefferson himself.

July 7, 1826

There was a meeting of the members of the Administration, Mr. Southard having returned from his visit in Virginia. It was upon full consideration decided that there should be no proclamation upon the occasion of the decease of Mr. Jefferson; but I mentioned my opinion that it should be noticed in the next annual message to Congress; which was approved.

July 11, 1826

Executive Order

The General in Chief has received from the Department of War the following orders:

The President with deep regret announces to the Army that it has pleased the Disposer of All Human Events, in whose hands are the issues of life, to remove from the scene of earthly existence our illustrious and venerated fellow-citizen, Thomas Jefferson.

This dispensation of Divine Providence, afflicting to us, but the consummation of glory to him, occurred on the 4th of the present month--on the fiftieth anniversary of that Independence the Declaration of which, emanating from his mind, at once proclaimed the birth of a free nation and offered motives of hope and consolation to the whole family of man. Sharing in the grief which every heart must feel for so heavy and afflicting a public loss, and desirous to express his high sense of the vast debt of gratitude which is due to the virtues, talents, and ever-memorable services of the illustrious deceased, the President directs that funeral honors be paid to him at all the military stations, and that the officers of the Army wear crape on the left arm, by way of mourning, for six months.

Major-General Brown will give the necessary orders for carrying into effect the foregoing directions.

It has become the painful duty of the Secretary of War to announce to the Army the death of another distinguished and venerated citizen. John Adams departed this life on the 4th of this month. Like his compatriot Jefferson, he aided in drawing and ably supporting the Declaration of Independence. With a prophetic eye he looked through the impending difficulties of the Revolution and foretold with what demonstrations of joy the anniversary of the birth of American freedom would be hailed. He was permitted to behold the verification of his prophecy, and died, as did Jefferson, on the day of the jubilee.

A coincidence of circumstances so wonderful gives confidence to the belief that the patriotic efforts of these illustrious men were Heaven directed, and furnishes a new seal to the hope that the prosperity of these States is under the special protection of a kind Providence.

The Secretary of War directs that the same funeral honors be paid by the Army to the memory of the deceased as by the order of the 11th instant were directed to be paid to Thomas Jefferson, and the same token of mourning be worn.

Major-General Brown is charged with the execution of this order.

Never has it fallen to the lot of any commander to announce to an army such an event as now calls forth the mingled grief and astonishment of this Republic; never since History first wrote the record of time has one day thus mingled every triumphant with every tender emotion, and consecrated a nation's joy by blending it with the most sacred of sorrows. Yes, soldiers, in one day, almost in the same hour, have two of the Founders of the Republic, the Patriarchs of Liberty, closed their services to social man, after beholding them crowned with the richest and most unlimited success. United in their end as they had been in their highest aim, their toils completed, their hopes surpassed, their honors full, and the dearest wish of their bosoms gratified in death, they closed their eyes in patriot ecstasy, amidst the gratulations and thanksgivings of a people on all, on every individual, of whom they had conferred the best of all earthly benefits.

Such men need no trophies; they ask no splendid mausolea. We are their monuments; their mausolea is their country, and her growing prosperity the amaranthine wreath that Time shall place over their dust. Well may the Genius of the Republic mourn. If she turns her eyes in one direction, she beholds the hall where Jefferson wrote the charter of her rights; if in another, she sees the city where Adams kindled the fires of the Revolution. To no period of our history, to no department of our affairs, can she direct her views and not meet the multiplied memorials of her loss and of their glory.

At the grave of such men envy dies, and party animosity blushes while she quenches her fires. If Science and Philosophy lament their enthusiastic votary in the halls of Monticello, Philanthropy and Eloquence weep with no less reason in the retirement of Quincy. And when hereafter the stranger performing his pilgrimage to the land of freedom shall ask for the monument of Jefferson, his inquiring eye may be directed to the dome of that temple of learning, the university of his native State--the last labor of his untiring mind, the latest and the favorite gift of a patriot to his country.

Bereaved yet happy America! Mourning yet highly favored country! Too happy if every son whose loss shall demand thy tears can thus soothe thy sorrow by a legacy of fame.

The Army of the United States, devoted to the service of the country, and honoring all who are alike devoted, whether in the Cabinet or the field, will feel an honorable and a melancholy pride in obeying this order. Let the officers, then, wear the badge of mourning, the poor emblem of a sorrow which words can not express, but which freemen must ever feel while contemplating the graves of the venerated Fathers of the Republic.

Tuesday succeeding the arrival of this order at each military station shall be a day of rest.

The National flag shall wave at half-mast.

At early dawn thirteen guns shall be fired, and at intervals of thirty minutes between the rising and setting sun a single cannon will be discharged, and at the close of the day twenty-four rounds.

July 4, 1837

One lamentable evidence of deep degeneracy from the spirit of the Declaration of Independence is the countenance which has been occasionally given, in various parts of the Union, to this doctrine; but it is consolatory to know that, whenever it has been distinctly disclosed to the people, it has been rejected by them with pointed reprobation. It has, indeed, presented itself in its most malignant form in that portion of the Union the civil institutions of which are most infected by the gangrene of slavery. The inconsistency of the institution of domestic slavery with the principles of the Declaration of Independence was seen and lamented by all the Southern patriots of the Revolution; by no one with deeper and more unalterable conviction than by the author of the Declaration himself. No insincerity or hypocrisy can fairly be laid to their charge. Never, from their lips, was heard one syllable of attempt to justify the institution of slavery. They universally considered it as a reproach fastened upon them by the unnatural step-mother country; and they saw that, before the principles of the Declaration of Independence, slavery, in common with every other mode of oppression, was destined sooner or later to be banished from the earth. Such was the undoubting conviction of Jefferson to his dying day. In the memoir of his life, written at the age of seventy-seven, he gave to his countrymen the solemn and emphatic warning that the day was not distant when they must hear and adopt the general emancipation of their slaves. ‘Nothing is more certainly written,’ said he, ‘in the book of fate, than that these people are to be free.’

September 17, 1842

The utter and unqualified inconsistency of slavery, in any of its forms, with the principles of the North American Revolution, and the Declaration of our Independence, had so forcibly struck the Southern champions of our rights, that the abolition of slavery and the emancipation of slaves was a darling project of Thomas Jefferson from his first entrance into public life to the last years of his existence.

President Andrew Jackson

Washington City March 6th. 1825

Yesterday Mr Adams was inaugurated amidst a vast assemblage of citizens, having been escorted to the capitol with a pomp and ceremony of guns & drums not very consistent, in my humble opinion, with the character of the occasion. Twenty four years ago when Mr Jefferson was inducted into office no such machinery was called in to give solemnity to the occasion — he rode his own horse and hitched him him self to the enclosure. But it seems that times are changed — I hope it is not so with the principles that are to Characterise the administration of Justice and constitutional law. These in my fervent prayers for the prosperity and good of our country will remain unaltered, based upon the sovereignty of the people and adorned with no forms or ceremonies save those which their happiness and freedom shall command.

Nashville, July 26, 1826

I have been led here to make arrangements for paying the last respect due to the memory & manes of the sage of Monticello, the Father of Liberty, the patron of science, and the author of our declaration of Independence, who had the boldness by that instrument to declare to the despots of Europe in 1776, that we of right ought to be free, that all well organized governments are founded on the will of the people —established for their happiness and prosperity — This virtuous Patriot, Thos Jefferson is no more — he died on the 4th of July 10 minutes before one P.M. On yesterday when we met to make arrangements for this melancholy occasion the mail brought us the sad intelligence that another of the signers of the declaration of Independence was no more, that John Adams had departed this life also on the 4th of July at 6 o'clock P.M. Was well in the morning, heard the celebration, sickened at noon and died at 6 o'clock P.M. of the 4th inst. What a wonderful coincidence that the author and two signers of the declaration of Independence, two of the Ex-Presidents, should on the same day expire, a half a Century after that, that gave birth to a nation of freemen, and that Thos. Jefferson should have died the very hour of the day that the declaration of Independence was presented to and read in the Congress of 1776. Is this an omen that Divinity approbated the whole course of Mr. Jefferson and sent an angel down to take him from the earthly Tabernacle on this national Jubilee, at the same moment he had presented it to Congress and is the death of Mr. Adams a confirmation of the approbation of Divinity also, or is it an omen that his political example as President and adopted by his son, shall destroy this holy fabric created by the virtuous Jefferson.

May 27, 1830

In the Administration of Mr. Jefferson we have two examples of the exercise of the right of appropriation, which in the considerations that led to their adoption and in their effects upon the public mind have had a greater agency in marking the character of the power than any subsequent events. I allude to the payment of $15,000,000 for the purchase of Louisiana and to the original appropriation for the construction of the Cumberland road, the latter act deriving much weight from the acquiescence and approbation of three of the most powerful of the original members of the Confederacy, expressed through their respective legislatures.

December 6, 1836

However prevailing the restraint which veiled during the life of Mr. Madison this record of the creation of our Constitution, the grave, which has closed over all those who participated in its formation, has separated their acts from all that is personal to him or to them. His anxiety for their early publicity after this was removed may be inferred from his having them transcribed and revised by him self; and, it may be added, the known wishes of his illustrious friend Thomas Jefferson and other distinguished patriots, the important light they would shed to present as well as future usefulness, besides my desire to fulfill the pecuniary obligations imposed by his will, urged their appearance without awaiting the preparation of his other works, and early measures were accordingly adopted by me to ascertain from publishers in various parts of the Union the terms on which their publication could be effected.

It was also intended to publish with these debates those taken by him in the Congress of the Confederation in 1782, 1783, and 1787, of which he was then a member, and selections made by himself and prepared under his eye from his letters narrating the proceedings of that body during the periods of his service in it, prefixing the debates in 1776 on the Declaration of Independence by Thomas Jefferson so as to embody all the memorials in that shape known to exist. This expose of the situation of the country under the Confederation and the defects of the old system of government evidenced in the proceedings under it seem to convey such preceding information as should accompany the debates on the formation of the Constitution by which it was superseded.

President Martin Van Buren

Washington, May 29th, 1835

Thoroughly convinced that the overthrow of our present constitution and the consequent destruction of the confederacy which it binds together, would be the greatest sacrifice of human happiness and hopes that has ever been made at the shrine of personal ambition, I do not, hesitate to promise you, that every effort in my power, whether in public or private life, shall be made for their preservation. The father of his country, foreseeing this danger, warned us to cherish the union as the palladium of our safety; and the great exemplar of our political faith, Thomas Jefferson, has taught us, that to preserve that common sympathy between the states, out of which the union sprang, and which constitutes its surest foundation, we should exercise the powers which of right belong to the general government, in a spirit of moderation and brotherly love, and religiously abstain from the assumption of such as have not been delegated by the Constitution.

1854-1862

Earnestly engaged in a successful and lucrative practice, I had no desire to be a candidate for an elective office, nor did I become one until the Spring of 1812, when I was forced into that position by circumstances with which I could not deal differently. But from my boyhood I had been a zealous partisan, supporting with all my power the administrations of Jefferson and Madison…

Whilst this excitement was at its highest point I took a trip to Richmond, Virginia, and visited Spencer Roane whom I had never seen but long known, by reputation, as a hearty and bold Republican of the old School. I found him to my great regret on a bed of sickness, from which, although he lived some time, he never rose. But in all other respects he was the man I expected to meet — a root and branch Democrat, clear headed, honest hearted, and always able and ready to defend the right regardless of personal consequences. He caused his large form to be raised in his bed, and disregarding the remonstrances of his family he insisted in talking with me for several hours. He at once referred to the Albany Post Office Question, told me that he had read all the papers in the case and thought that we were perfectly right in the grounds we had assumed. He condemned in unqualified terms the course pursued by Mr. Monroe, spoke freely of past events in his career, and of his apprehensions that he would, if elected, be governed by the views he had avowed. Mr. Roane referred, with much earnestness, to the course of the Supreme Court, under the lead of Chief Justice Marshall, in undermining some of the most valuable clauses of the Constitution to support the pretensions of the Bank of the United States, and placed in my hands a series of papers upon the subject from the Richmond Enquirer, written by himself over the signature of Algernon Sidney. On taking my leave of him I referred to the manner in which he had arranged the busts of Jefferson, Madison and Monroe in his room, and said that if there had been anything of the courtier in his character he would have placed Mr. Monroe, he being the actual President, at the head instead of the foot. He replied with emphasis, "No ! No ! No man ranks before Tom Jefferson in my house ! They stand Sir, in the order of my confidence and of my affection.”…

They were wise and experienced men and knew that such a subject could not be trusted to professions or acts which would be open to different constructions, and could only be safely dealt with by such measures as must carry conviction to the most prejudiced minds because they went directly to the accomplishment of their object. From such considerations and from such sources issued the Act of July 1787 for the government of the North Western Territory. By this Memorable Act its author and supporters intended not only to provide effectually for the peace and safety of their beloved country, but to repel, as far as was in their power, the suspicion of their fidelity to the cause of freedom which their enemies had attempted to fix upon them. Whether we regard the source from which it originated, the support it received on its passage, or its efficiency in promoting the great object of its enactment, this Law deserves a place in our National Archives side by side with the Declaration of Independence and the Federal Constitution, Attempts have been made to deprive Mr. Jefferson of the credit of this great measure, as there have been cavillers against every truth of history however firmly established. Nothing can be more certain than that it was to his master mind that the country is indebted for its conception, and to his perseverance in its support seconded by the Legislature of Virginia and the old Congress for its completion…

I firmly believe that if Mr. Jefferson had thought it practicable to acquire the territory and to obtain its admission as a State without such stipulations, he would have made the attempt. His whole course upon the subject of slavery warrants this opinion…

My feelings were of a very different character. My earliest political recollections were those of the day when I exulted at the election of Mr. Jefferson, as the triumph of a good cause over an Administration and Party, who were as I thought subverting the principles upon which the Revolution was founded and fastening upon the Country a system which tho' different in form was nevertheless animated by a policy in the acquisition and use of political power akin to that which our ancestors had overthrown. I had ever since regarded the continued success of Mr. Jefferson's policy as the result of the superiority of the principles he introduced into the administration of the Government over those of his predecessor, and was sincerely desirous that they should continue to prevail in the Federal Councils…

On the next and subsequent days, leaving the Governor to be entertained by our host's grand-daughter, an accomplished and very agreeable young lady, now Mrs. Coolidge, of Boston, (whose future husband paid his first visit to her while we were at Monticello) we employed our mornings in drives about the neighbourhood, during which it may well be imagined with how much satisfaction I listened to Mr. Jefferson's conversation. His imposing appearance as he sat uncovered — never wearing his hat except when he left the carriage and often not then — and the earnest and impressive manner in which he spoke of men and things, are yet as fresh in my recollection as if they were experiences of yesterday. I have often reproached myself for having omitted to make memoranda of his original and always forcible observations and never more than at the present moment. Uppermost in my mind is the recollection of his exemption from the slightest remains, of party or personal prejudice against those from whom he had differed during the stormy period of his public life. Those who like myself had an opportunity to witness his remarkable freedom from the common reproach of political differences would find it difficult to doubt the sincerity of the liberal views he expressed in his Inaugural Address in regard to parties and partisan contests…

I derived the highest gratification from observing that [Mr. Jefferson’s] devotion to the public interest, tho' an octogenarian and oppressed by private griefs, was as ardent as it had been in his palmiest days. Standing upon the very brink of the grave, and forever excluded from any interest in the management of public concerns that was not common to all his fellow citizens, he seemed never to tire in his review of the past and in explanations of the grounds of his apprehensions for the future, both obviously for my benefit. In relation to himself he was very reserved — taking only the slightest allowable notice of his agency in the transactions of which he spoke. Happening to notice a volume in his library labelled curtly and emphatically — "Libels" — I opened it and found its contents to consist entirely of articles abusive of himself, cut out of the Newspapers; and shewing it to him he laughed heartily over the brochure and said that it had been his good fortune thro' life to be, in an unusual degree, indifferent to the groundless attacks to which public men were exposed. My inquiries in regard to individuals who had been prominent actors on the political stage in his day, were naturally as frequent as was consistent with propriety, and his replies were prompt and made with apparent sincerity and absolute fairness. Of Gen. Washington and of his memory he invariable spoke with undisguised regard and reverence…

Observing that in describing party movements he almost always said 'The republicans" pursued this course, and "Hamilton" that — not naming the federalists as a party, except by the designation of a sole representative, I brought this peculiarity to his attention. He said it was a habit that he had fallen into at an early period from regarding almost every party demonstration during the administrations preceding his own, as coming directly, or indirectly from Hamilton. He spoke of him frequently and always without prejudice or ill will, regarding him as a man of generous feelings and sincere in his political opinions. In answer to my question whether Hamilton participated in some step that he condemned, he replied — "No ! He was above such things !" His political principles Mr. Jefferson condemned without reserve, save only their sincerity, regarding them in their tendency and effects as more anti-republican than those of any of his contemporaries…

Those better regulated minds, however, whose gratification on reaching that high office is mainly derived from the consciousness that their countrymen have deemed them worthy of it and from the hope that they may be able to justify that confidence and to discharge its duties so as to promote the public good, will save themselves from great disappointments by postponing all thoughts of individual enjoyment to the completion of their labors. If those whose sense of duty and whose dispositions are of the character which alone can fit them for that station look to secure much personal gratification while swaying the rod of power they will find in that as in all other human calculations and plans "begun on earth below,'' that
”The ample proposition that hope makes
Fails in the promised largeness.”
At the very head of their disappointments will stand those inseparable from the distribution of patronage, that power so dazzling to the expectant dispenser, apparently so easily performed and so fruitful of reciprocal gratification. Whatever hopes they may indulge that their cases will prove an exception to the general rule they will find, in the end, their own experience truly described by Mr. Jefferson when he said that the two happiest days of his life were those of his entrance upon his office and of his surrender of it. The truth of the matter may be stated in a word: whilst to have been deemed worthy by a majority of the People of the United States to fill the office of Chief Magistrate of the Republic is an honor which ought to satisfy the aspirations of the most ambitious citizen, the period of his actual possession of its powers and performance of its duties is and must, from the nature of things, always be, to a right minded man one of toilsome and anxious probation.

President William Henry Harrison

August 6, 1802

When I had the honour to see you [Thomas Jefferson] in Philadelphia in the Spring of the year 1800 you were pleased to recommend to me a plan for a Town which you supposed would exempt its inhabitants in a great degree from those dreadful pestilences which have become so common in the large cities of the United States. As the laws of this Territory have given to the Governor the power to designate the seats of Justice for the Counties, and as the choice of the Citizens of Clark County was fixed upon a spot where there had been no town laid out, I had an opportunity at once of gratifying them—of paying respect to your recommendation, and of conforming to my own inclinations—The proprietor of the land having acceded to my proposals a Town has been laid out with each alternate square to remain vacant forever (excepting one Range of squares upon the River)—and I have taken the liberty to call it Jeffersonville—The beauty of the spot on which the Town is laid out, the advantages of the situation (being just above the Rapids of the Ohio) and the excellence of the plan, makes it highly probable that it will at some period not very remote become a place of considerable consequence—At the sale of the lots a few days ago several of them were struck off at 200 Dollars. It is in contemplation to cut a canal round the Rapids on this side—a project which it is said can be very easily executed and which will be highly beneficial to the Town. Indeed I have very little doubt of its flourishing. It is my ardent wish that it may become worthy of the name it bears, and that the Humane & benevolent views which dictated the plan may be reallised—

If Sir it should again happen that in the wide Range which you suffer your thoughts to take for the benefit of Mankind—the accomplishment of any of your wishes can in the smallest degree be aided by me—I beg you to believe that your commands shall be executed to the utmost extent of my small talent.

March 4, 1841

I proceed to state in as summary a manner as I can my opinion of the sources of the evils which have been so extensively complained of and the correctives which may be applied. Some of the former are unquestionably to be found in the defects of the Constitution; others, in my judgment, are attributable to a misconstruction of some of its provisions. Of the former is the eligibility of the same individual to a second term of the Presidency. The sagacious mind of Mr. Jefferson early saw and lamented this error, and attempts have been made, hitherto without success, to apply the amendatory power of the States to its correction…

The influence of the Executive in controlling the freedom of the elective franchise through the medium of the public officers can be effectually checked by renewing the prohibition published by Mr. Jefferson forbidding their interference in elections further than giving their own votes, and their own independence secured by an assurance of perfect immunity in exercising this sacred privilege of freemen under the dictates of their own unbiased judgments…

All the influence that I possess shall be exerted to prevent the formation at least of an Executive party in the halls of the legislative body. I wish for the support of no member of that body to any measure of mine that does not satisfy his judgment and his sense of duty to those from whom he holds his appointment, nor any confidence in advance from the people but that asked for by Mr. Jefferson, "to give firmness and effect to the legal administration of their affairs."

President John Tyler

July 6, 1826

Whereas it is made known to the Executive Department that Thomas Jefferson, the distinguished benefactor to his Country, departed this life on the 4th inst. — and this Department being impressed with a deep sense of the great loss which Virginia, the Union and the world at large have sustained in the death of this Philosopher, Statesman, Patriot, and Philanthropist — and whereas a sense of what we owe to the present, and all future generations, and not merely a regard to our own feelings, which of themselves would prompt us to the measure, requires at the hands of this Department a manifestation by all means in its power of respect for the memory of one whose whole life has been passed in unceasing devotion to the advancement of human happiness, and the establishment of Liberty on a sure and lasting foundation.

Inspired by these sentiments, and impressed with the regret which the occasion is so well calculated to produce, we, the Governor and Council of the State of Virginia, do resolve as follows:

1. That the Hall of the House of Delegates, the Senate Chamber, and the Executive Chamber be hung in mourning together with the main entrances to the Capitol.

2. That the Bell in the Guard house be tolled through the day.

July 11, 1826

EULOGY FOR THOMAS JEFFERSON

Why this numerous assemblage; this solemn and melancholy procession; these habiliments of woe? Do they betoken the fall of some mighty autocrat, of some imperial master who hath “bestrid the earth like a Colossus” and whose remains are followed to the grave by the tools and minions of his power? Are they the tokens of a ceremonious woe, a mere mockery of feeling? Or are they the spontaneous offerings of gratitude and love? What mighty man has fallen in Israel, and why has Virginia clothed herself in mourning? The tolling of yon dismal bell, and the loud but solemn discharge of artillery, hath announced to the nation the melancholy tidings — THOMAS JEFFERSON no longer lives! That glorious orb which has for so many years given light to our footsteps has set in death. The patriot, the statesman, the philosopher, the philanthropist, has sunk into the grave. Virginia mourns over his remains, and her harp is hung upon the willows.

Why need I say more? There is a language in this spectacle which speaks more eloquence than tongue can utter. This is the testimony of a well-spent life; the tribute of a nation's gratitude. Look on this sight, ye rulers of the earth, and learn from it lessons of wisdom. Ye ambitious and untamed spirits, who seek the attainment of glory by a scaffolding formed of human suffering, behold a people in tears over the funeral, bier of their benefactor; and if true glory be your object, profit by this example. In pronouncing the eulogy of the dead, my countrymen, I have no blood stained banners to present; no battles to recount; no sword or helmet to deposit on his hearse. I have to entwine a civic wreath which philosophy has woven and patriotism hallowed. The achievements of the warrior in the field attract the attention of mankind, and fasten on the memory, while the labors of the civilian too often pass unnoted and unknown. But not so with that man whose death we this day mourn. The results of his policy are exhibited in all around. Although his sun has sunk below the horizon of this world, yet hath it left a train of light, which shall never be extinguished.

At the commencement of his successful career, he manifested the same devotion to the rights of man which he evinced in all his after life. At an early day he so distinguished himself as the firm and fearless asserter of the rights of colonial America, as to draw upon him the frown of the royal governor, and had already anticipated the occurrence of the period when the colonies should be elevated to the condition of free, sovereign, and independent States. Having drawn his principles from the fountains of a pure philosophy, he was prepared to assail the slavish doctrine that man was incapable of self-government, and to aid in building up on its overthrow that happy system under which it is our destiny to live.

On the coming of that tremendous storm, which for eight years desolated our country, Mr. Jefferson hesitated not, halted not. Born to rich inheritance, destined to the attainment of high distinction under the regal government, courted by the aristocracy of the land, he adventured, with the single motive of advancing the cause of his country and of human freedom, into that perilous contest, throwing into the scale his life and fortune, as if of no value. The devoted friend of man, he had studied his rights in the great volume of nature, and saw with rapture the era at hand when those rights should be proclaimed, and the world aroused from the slumber of centuries. The season was approaching for the extension of the empire of reason and philosophy, and the disciple of Locke and Sidney rejoiced at its approach. Among his fellow-laborers, — those devoted champions of liberty, — those brilliant lights which shall forever burn, he stood conspicuous.

But how transcendently bright was that halo of glory by which he was surrounded on the fourth of July, 1776! Oh, day ever precious in the recollections of freemen! now rendered doubly so by the recollection that it was the birthday of a nation, and the last of him who had conferred on it immortality. Yes, illustrious man, it was given thee to live until the advent of a nation's jubilee. Thy disembodied spirit was then upborne by the blessings of ten millions of freemen, and the day and hour of thy renown was the day and hour of thy dissolution. How inseparable is now the connection between that glorious epoch and this distinguished citizen!

Does there not seem to have been an especial providence in his death? The sun of that day rose upon him, and the roar of artillery and the hosannas of a nation sounded into his ears the assurances of his immortality. So precious a life required a death so glorious. Who now shall set limits to his fame? On the annual recurrence of that glorious day, when with pious ardor millions yet unborn shall breathe the sentiments contained in the celebrated Declaration of Independence, — when the fires of liberty shall be kindled on every hill and shall blaze in every vale, shall not the name of Jefferson be pronounced by every lip and written on every heart? Shall not the rejoicing of that day, and the recollection of his death, cause the smile to chase away the tear, and the tear to becloud the smile?

But not to the future millions of these happy States shall his fame be confined. That celebrated state paper will be found wherever is found the abode of civilized man. Sounded in the ears of tyrants, they shall tremble on their thrones, while man, so long the victim of oppression, awakes from the sleep of ages and bursts his chains. The day is rapidly approaching, a prophetic tongue has pronounced it "to some nations sooner, to others later, but finally to all," when it will be made manifest "that the mass of mankind have not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few booted and spurred ready to ride them legitimately, by the grace of God." Already has this truth aroused the one-half of this continent from the lethargy in which it has so long reposed. Already are the pagans of liberty chanted from the Gulf of Mexico to the Rio de la Plata, and its altars are erecting on the ruins of a superstitious idolatry.

A mighty spirit walks abroad upon the earth, which shall, in its onward march, over turn principalities and powers, and trample thrones in the dust. And when the happy era shall arrive for the emancipation of nations, hastened on as it will be by the example of America, shall they not resort to the Declaration of our Independence as the charter of their rights, and will not its author be hailed as the benefactor of the redeemed? But, my countrymen, this state paper is not the only lasting testimonial which he has left us of his devotion to the rights of man.

Where should I stop were I to recount the multiplied and various acts of his life, all directed to the security of those rights? The statute-book of this State, almost all that is wise in policy or sanctified by justice, bears the impress of his genius, and furnishes evidence of that devotion.

But I choose to present him as a mighty reformer. He was born to overturn systems and to pull down establishments. He had a more difficult task to accomplish than the warrior in the embattled field. He had to conquer man, and bring him to a true sense of his own dignity. He had to encounter prejudices become venerable by ager to assail error in its strong places, and to expel it even from its fastnesses. He advanced to the charge with a bold and reckless intrepidity, but with a calculating coolness.

The Declaration, of which I have just spoken, had announced the great truth that man was capable of self-government, but it still remained for him to achieve a conquest over an error which was sanctified by age and fortified by the prejudices of mankind. He dared to proclaim the important truths, — "that Almighty God hath created the mind free; that all attempts to influence it by temporal punishments or burthens, or by civil incapacitations, tend only to beget habits of hypocrisy and meanness, and are a departure from the plan of the Holy Author of our religion, who, being Lord both of body and mind, yet chose not to propagate it by coercions on either, as was in His almighty power to do; that the impious presumption of legislators and rulers, civil as well as ecclesiastical, who, being themselves but fallible and uninspired men, have assumed dominion over the faith of others setting up their own opinions and modes of thinking as the only true and in fallible, and, as such, endeavoring to impose them on others, have established and maintained false religions over the greatest part of the world, and through all time;" — “that truth is great and will prevail, if left to herself; that she is the proper and sufficient antagonist to error, and has nothing to fear from the conflict, unless by human interposition disarmed of her natural weapons — free argument and debate; errors ceasing to be dangerous when it is permitted freely to contradict them."

This is the language of the bill establishing religious freedom, and is to be found on our statute-book. How solemn and sublime, and how transcendently important are the truths which it announces to the world. What but his great and powerful genius could have contemplated the breaking asunder those bonds in which the conscience had been bound for centuries? Who but the ardent and devoted friend of man would have exposed himself to the thunders and denunciations of the church throughout all Christendom, by breaking into its very sanctuary, and dissolving its connection with government? If he consulted the page of history, he found that the church establishment, exercising unlimited control over the conscience, and unlocking at its pleasure the very gates of heaven to the faithful devotee, had, in all ages, governed the world; that kings had been made by its thunders to tremble on their thrones, and that thrones had been shivered by the lightnings of its wrath. In casting his eyes over the face of the globe, he beheld, it is true, the mighty spirit of Protestantism walking on the waters, but confined and limited in its empire, and even its garments dyed in the blood of the martyr. Over the rest of the world he beheld the religion of the blessed Redeemer converted into a superstitious rite, and locked up in a gloomy and ferocious mystery. The sentence of the terrible inquisitor sounded in his ears, followed by the clank of chains and the groans of the victim. If he looked in the direction from whence the sound proceeded, he saw the fires of the auto de fe consuming the agonized body of the offender, and thus finishing the last act of this horrible tragedy. He felt the full force of this picture, and, regardless of all personal danger, set about the accomplishment of the noble purpose of setting free the mind.

He, who had so much contributed to the unbinding of the hands of his countrymen, would have left his work unfinished if he had not also unfettered their consciences. True, he had in all this great work able coadjutors, who, like himself, had adventured all for their country; but he was the great captain who arrayed the forces and directed the assault. Let it, then, be henceforth proclaimed to the world, that man's conscience was created free; that he is no longer accountable to his fellow-man for his religious opinions, being responsible therefor only to his God; that it is impious in mortal man, whether clothed in purple or in lawn, to assume the judgment-seat; and that the connection between church and state is an unholy alliance, and the fruitful source of slavery and oppression; and let it be dissolved.

What an imperishable monument has Mr. Jefferson thus reared to his memory, and how strong are its claims to our gratitude! When from every part of this extended Republic the prayers and thanksgiving of countless thousands shall ascend to the throne of grace, each bending at his own altar, and worshiping his Creator after his own way, shall not every lip 'breathe a blessing on his name, and every tongue speak forth his praise? Yes, he was born a blessing to his country, and in the fulness of time shall become a blessing to mankind. He was, indeed, a precious gift — a most beloved reformer. Shall we not, then, while weeping over his loss, offer thanks to the Giver of every perfect gift for having permitted him to live?

But, my countrymen, we have still further reason for the deepest gratitude. He had not yet finished his memorable efforts in the cause of human liberty. The temple had been reared, but it was exposed to violent assaults from without. Those principles which in former ages had defeated the hopes of man, and had overthrown republics, remained to be hunted out, exposed, and guarded against. The most powerful of these was the concentration and perpetuation of wealth in the hands of particular families, and the creation thereby of an overweening aristocracy. The fatal influence of this principle had been felt in all ages and in all countries. The feeling of pride and haughtiness which wealth is so well calculated to engender, and the homage which mankind are unhappily so much disposed to render it, cause the perpetuation of large fortunes in the hands of families, the most fearful antagonist to human liberty. Marcus Crassus has said, that the man who aspires to rule a republic should not be content until he has mastered wealth sufficient to maintain an army; and Julius Caesar paved the way to the overthrow of Roman liberty by the unsparing distribution, from his inexhaustible stores, of largesses to the people.

Mr. Jefferson saw, therefore, the great necessity for reformation in our municipal code, and the act abolishing entails, and that regulating descents, are, in all their essential features, the offsprings of his well-constituted intellect. He has acted throughout on the great principle of the equality of mankind, and his every effort has been directed to the preservation of that equality among his countrymen. How powerful in its operation is our descent law in producing this effect! Founded on the everlasting principles of justice, it distributes among all his children the fruits of the parent's labor. The first-born is no longer considered the chosen of the Lord;. but nature asserts her rights, and raises the last to an equality with the first. Thus it is that the spirit of a proud independence, so auspicious to the durability of our institutions, is engendered in the bosom of our citizens; thus it is that we are under the influence of an agrarian law in effect, while nature, instead of being suppressed, is excited by new stimuli. The great law-giver of Sparta in vain sought to perpetuate the great principle of equality among the then renowned republic by various measures, all of which ultimately failed; but there is a measure which cannot fail — a measure which depends, not upon the veneration of the character of any one man, but lays hold of the affections, and records its own perpetuity in the great volume of nature — one without which the blood shed in the Revolution would have been shed in vain — without which the glories of that struggle would fade away, or exist but as another proof of man's incapacity for self-government.

What more shall I say of it? May I not call it that great measure which, to our political, like the sun to our planetary, system, imparts light and heat, unveils all its beauties, and manifests its strength? Tell me, then, ye destinies that control the future, say, is not this man's fame inscribed in adamant? Say, men of the present age, ye lovers of liberty, ye shining lights from amid the gloom of the world, say, does Virginia claim too much when she pronounces her Jefferson wiser than the law-givers of antiquity? Tell me, then, men of America, have ye not lost your father, your benefactor, your best friend? And you, the men of other countries, where the light of his example is now dimly seen — you who constitute the salt of the earth, will you not kindle your lamps in the mighty blaze of his flame, and distribute the blessings of his existence around you? Here, then, I might stop. The cause of this mournful procession is explained; his claim to the gratitude of mankind is made manifest, and his title to immortality is established. But his labors did not here cease; I have still to exhibit him to you in other lights than those in which we have already regarded him — to present other claims to your veneration and gratitude. Passing over those incidents which history has already recorded, let us regard him while in that station which I now fill, more by the kindness of the public than from any merit of my own.

We here recognize in him the able vindicator of insulted America against the sarcasms of European philosophy. Indulging in the visions of fallacious theory, it was attempted to be proved that the flush and glow which nature assumed on the other side of the Atlantic was converted on this continent into the cadaverous aspect of disease and degeneracy; that while she walked abroad over the face of Europe in all her beautiful proportions, here she hobbled on crutches and degenerated into a dwarf. How successfully he threw back this slander upon our calumniators, let the world decide.

His Notes on Virginia will ever bear him faithful witness. Slanders upon nations make the deepest and most lasting impressions. They fall not on one man, but on a whole people, and if not refuted, tend to sink them in the scale of existence. If under any circumstances they are to be deprecated, how much more are they to be so when published against a nation not even in the gristle of manhood, unknown to the mass of mankind, and struggling to be free? Such was the condition of America at that day. Shut out from free intercourse with Europe by the monopolizing spirit of the parent state, she had remained unknown to the world, and was regarded as an ex tensive wild, within whose bosom the fires of genius and intellect had not as yet been kindled. Mr. Jefferson saw then the injury she would sustain, if these slanders remained unrefuted. Vigilant at his post, and guardful of the interests of the States, he encountered the most distinguished of the philosophers of Europe, and his victory was complete.

It was answer enough for him to have said, what in substance he did say, that in war we had produced a Washington, in physics a Franklin, and in astronomy a Rittenhouse; and if his triumph had not been esteemed complete, might we not add, with the certainty of success, that in philosophy and politics she had produced a Jefferson? In all the several stations which he afterward filled, we find him laboring unceasingly for the good of his country.

Having won by his virtues and talents the confidence of Washington, he was called to preside over the Department of State. In this station he vindicated the rights of America against the sophistry of European cabinets, and gave proof of that skill in diplomacy for which he will be distinguished through all future ages. When the future statesman shall look for a model from which to form his style of diplomatic writing, will he not cease his search and seize with avidity on that, the offspring of the secretary's pen, in his correspondence with Hamilton and Genet?

Called, at length, by the voice of the people, to the presidency of these United States, he furnished the model of an administration conducted on the purest principles of republicanism. He sought not to enlarge his powers by construction, but, referring everything to his conscience, made that the standard of the constitutional interpretation. Regarding the government in its true -and beautiful light of a confederation of States, he could not be drawn from his course by any of those splendid conceptions which shine but to mislead. He extinguished $33,000,000 of the national debt; enlarged the boundaries of our territorial jurisdiction, by the addition of regions more extensive than our original possessions; overawed the Barbary powers; and preserved the peace of the nation amid the tremendous convulsions which then agitated the world.

I will dwell no longer on this fruitful topic, nor indulge my feelings. Party spirit is buried in his grave, and I will not disinter it. The American people will, as one man, look with admiration on his character, and dwell with affectionate delight over those bright incidents in his life to which I have already alluded. Thus, then, my countrymen, in the sixty-ninth year of his age, he terminated his political career, and went into the shades of retirement at Monticello. But, unlike the politicians of other days, who had fled from the cares and anxieties of public life, that retirement was not inglorious. He still lived for his country and the world. Let that beautiful building devoted to the sciences, the last of his labors, reared under his auspices, and cherished by his care, testify to this. How choice and how delightful this, the last fruit of his bearing! How lasting a monument will it be to his memory! It will be, we may fondly hope, the perpetual nursery of those great principles which it was the business of his life to inculcate. The youth of Virginia, and the youth of our sister States, to use his own beautiful language, “will bring hither their genius to be kindled at our fire." "The good Old Dominion, the blessed mother of us all, will then raise her head with pride among the nations."

When history shall, at some future day, come to draw his character, to what department shall she assign him? Shall she encircle his brow with the wreath of civic worth? Or shall philosophy weave a garland of her own? He is equally dear to all the sciences. In mournful procession they have re paired to the tomb where his mortal remains are inurned, and hallowed the spot. Yes, hallowed be the spot where he rests from his labors. Wave after wave may roll by, sweeping in its resistless course countless generations from the earth; yet shall the resting-place of Jefferson be hallowed. Like Mount Vernon, Monticello shall catch the eye of the wayfarer and arrest his course. 'There shall he draw the inspiration of liberty, and learn those great truths which nature destined him to know.

Is not, then, this man's life most beautifully consistent? Trace him from the period of his earliest manhood to the hour of his final dissolution, and does not his ardor in the prosecution of the great work of human rights excite your admiration and enlist your gratitude? May it not be said that he has lived only for the good of others? Look upon him in the last stages of his existence. But a few days before his death he exults in the happiness of his country and the full confirmation of his labors. With the prospect of death before him, suffering under a cruel disease, he offers up an impressive prayer for the good of mankind. When speaking of the then approaching jubilee, in writing to the Mayor of Washington, he says: “May it be to the world — what I believe it will be — the signal for arousing men to burst the chains under which monkish ignorance and superstition have persuaded them to bind themselves, and to assume the blessings of free government." And it shall be that signal. A flood of light has burst upon the world, and the juggernauts of superstition and the gloom of ignorance shall melt before its brightness.

Will you look upon him, my countrymen, in the latest moment of his existence? Shall I make known to you his fond concern for you and your posterity, when the hand of death pressed heavily upon him? Learn, then, that he dwelt on the subject of the University — portrayed the blessings which it was destined to diffuse, and, forgetful of his valuable services, often urged his physician to leave his bedside, lest his class might suffer in his absence. One other theme dwelt on his lips until they were motionless. It was the fourth of July. On the fourth, so says my correspondent, he raised his languid head and said, “This is the fourth of July," and the smile of contentment played upon his lips. Heaven heard his prayers, and crowned his wishes. Oh, precious life! Oh, glorious death! He has left us, my countrymen, a previous legacy. His last words were, “I resign myself to my God, and my child to my country." And shall not that child of his old age — that only surviving daughter, the solace of his dying hour — be fostered and cherished by a grateful country? Thus has terminated, in the eighty-fourth year of his age, the life of one of the greatest and best of men. His “weary sun hath made a golden set."

Let the rulers of the nations profit by his example — an example which points the way to the temple of true glory, and proclaims to the statesman of every age and of every tongue, —

“Be just, and fear not;
“Let all the ends thou aimest at be thy country's;
“Thy God's, and Truth;
“Then shall thy lifeless body sleep in blessings, and the tears of a nation water thy grave.
“Let his life be an instructive lesson to us, my countrymen. Let us teach our children to reverence his name, and even in infancy to lisp his principles. As one great means of perpetuating freedom, let the recurrence of the day of our nation's birth be ever hailed with rapture. Is it not stamped with the seal of divinity? How wonderful are the means by which He rules the world! Scarcely has the funeral knell of our Jefferson been sounded in our ears, when we are startled by the death-bell of another patriot, his zealous co adjutor in the holy cause of the Revolution — one among the foremost of those who sought his country's disenthralment — of Adams, the compeer of his early fame, the opposing orb of his meridian, the friend of his old age, and his companion to the realms of bliss. They have sunk together in death, and have fallen on the same glorious day into that sleep which knows no waking. Let not party spirit break the rest of their slumbers, but let us hallow their memory for the good deeds they have done, and implore that God who rules the universe to smile on our country.”

October 27, 1836

Upon retiring from the Senate and looking into my private affairs, I found them in such utter disorder as to require my unremitting and undivided attention. Hence I have been closely at home all the summer and fall. In this I have but shared the fate of all others who like myself have made themselves a voluntary sacrifice to public service for the entire period of their manhood. My political opponents (enemies I will not call them) are therefore entitled to my thanks for having allowed me a fit season to put my house in order. Do not believe for a moment, however, that I have been a listless observer of passing events. On the contrary, when I have seen a President descend from the lofty eminence of being the representative of a great confederacy to enter the dirty arena of politics and throw himself forward as the most prominent advocate of one of the aspirants to the succession, and then have the affrontery to breathe the name of Jefferson, I have asked myself if it were possible that the Virginia people could pocket the insult thus offered to their understanding.

President James Polk

April 30, 1846

I told him I had no personal feeling in relation to these nominations except as to one or two of them, and that I wished him to understand that I did not desire to influence his course in regard to them contrary to his judgment. I told him however that Northern men attached more importance to appointments than Southern men did and that if Southern Senators undertook to defeat nominations in the North made on the recommendation of Northern Senators it would excite them, and impair if not destroy my power to be useful in effecting the passage of the Bill to reduce the tariff and the Constitutional Treasury Bill. I reminded him that Mr. Jefferson's plan was to conciliate the North by the dispensation of his patronage, and to rely on the South to support his principles for the sake of these principles.

August 4, 1846

Two precedents for such a proceeding exist in our past history, during the Administration of Mr. Jefferson, to which I would call your attention. On the 26th February, 1803, Congress passed an act appropriating $2,000,000 "for the purpose of defraying any extraordinary expenses which may be incurred in the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations," "to be applied under the direction of the President of the United States, who shall cause an account of the expenditure thereof to be laid before Congress as soon as may be;" and on the 13th February, 1806, an appropriation was made of the same amount and in the same terms. The object in the first case was to enable the President to obtain the cession of Louisiana, and in the second that of the Florida. In neither case was the money actually drawn from the Treasury, and I should hope that the result might be similar in this respect on the present occasion, though the appropriation is deemed expedient as a precautionary measure.

August 8, 1846

Mr. Jefferson, who was fully cognizant of the early dissensions between the Governments of the United States and France, out of which the claims arose, in his annual message in 1808 adverted to the large surplus then in the Treasury and its "probable accumulation," and inquired whether it should "lie unproductive in the public vaults;" and yet these claims, though then before Congress, were not recognized or paid. Since that time the public debt of the Revolution and of the War of 1812 has been extinguished, and at several periods since the Treasury has been in possession of large surpluses over the demands upon it. In 1836 the surplus amounted to many millions of dollars, and, for want of proper objects to which to apply it, it was directed by Congress to be deposited with the States.

December 15, 1847

President Jefferson, in his message to Congress in [December 2,] 1806 [Sixth Annual Message], recommended an amendment of the Constitution, with a view to apply an anticipated surplus in the Treasury "to the great purposes of the public education, roads, rivers, canals, and such other objects of public improvement as it may be thought proper to add to the constitutional enumeration of Federal powers." And he adds:

“I suppose an amendment to the Constitution, by consent of the States, necessary, because the objects now recommended are not among those enumerated in the Constitution, and to which it permits the public moneys to be applied.”

In 1825 he repeated, in his published letters, the opinion that no such power has been conferred upon Congress.

[Below is from the editor of The Diary of James K. Polk, Milo Milton Quaife:]

To this quality of Industry must be added Polk's high reputation for consistency as a party man. Early In his public career he made Thomas Jefferson his political polestar and throughout his career adhered to the principles of the founder of the Republican party with unswerving fidelity; and the knowledge of this fidelity operated to strengthen his control over his followers in the years when he was the official head of his party.

President Zachary Taylor

August 2, 1847

I must say I have no wish for the Presidency, and cannot consent to be exclusively the candidate of a party; and if I am one at all, or to be so at the coming election, it must be borne in mind that I have been, or will be so by others, without any agency of mine in the matter. Independent of my wishes, I greatly doubt my qualifications to discharge the duties properly, of an office which was filled and adorned by a Washington, a Jefferson, as well as several others of the purest, wisest, and most accomplished statesmen and patriots of this or any other age or country. I almost tremble at the thoughts of the undertaking. Yet, if the good people think proper to elevate me, at the proper time, to the highest office in their gift, I will feel bound to serve them, if not from inclination, from a principle of duty; and will do so honestly and faithfully to the best of my ability, in accordance with the principles of the Constitution, as near as I can do so, as it was construed and acted on by our first Presidents, two of whom, at least, acted so conspicuous a part in framing and completing that instrument, as well as in putting it in operation.

September 27, 1847

Nor would I go into the presidential chair by subscribing the doctrines he has laid down; nor will I accept a nomination exclusively from either of the great parties which divide the country, the moment I done so, I would become the slave of a party instead of the chief magistrate of the nation should I be elected; without meddling with politics, or mixing myself up with political men in any way I have for many years considered the policy advocated by the whigs for the most part, more nearly assimilated to those of Mr Jefferson than those of the opponents which induced me to range myself on that side.

President Millard Fillmore

1828

[From the biographer W.L. Barre of “The Life and Public Services of Millard Fillmore:]

The rewards of success [in law] now began to heap themselves upon him [Millard Fillmore], as remuneration for the privations he had undergone in his endeavors to master the profession. He had not been an inattentive observer to the history of his country and the signs of the times while thus engaged. But though he made everything subordinate to success in the law from his earliest connections therewith, when not required in its duties, he was careful to acquaint himself familiarly with the leading political events of the day, and the characters figuring most conspicuously therein. So that in the discussion of the political affairs of the country, so well acquainted he had become, if a dispute occurred among the villagers in regard to a matter of importance, the confident disputant would say: "Go and ask Fillmore, if I am not right." His decision when thus appealed to as umpire was as conclusive with the parties as though it came from the lips of Jefferson himself.

April 3, 1850

The second rule is a very salutary one, but perhaps too stringent to be always strictly observed in practice. It reads as follows:

“No member shall speak to another, or otherwise interrupt the business of the Senate, or read any newspaper, while the journals or public papers are reading, or when any member is speaking in any debate.”

Mr. Jefferson, in his “Manual,” which seems to be a code of common law for the regulation of all parliamentary bodies in this country, says that no one is to disturb another in his speech, etc., nor to pass between the Speaker and the speaking member. These are comparatively trifling matters; and yet the rules and law of the Senate would seem to require that its presiding officer should see them enforced. I trust, however, that it is only necessary to call attention to them, to insure their observance by every Senator.

December 2, 1851

In proclaiming and adhering to the doctrine of neutrality and nonintervention, the United States have not followed the lead of other civilized nations; they have taken the lead themselves and have been followed by others. This was admitted by one of the most eminent of modern British statesmen, who said in Parliament, while a minister of the Crown, "that if he wished for a guide in a system of neutrality he should take that laid down by America in the days of Washington and the secretaryship of Jefferson;" and we see, in fact, that the act of Congress of 1818 was followed the succeeding year by an act of the Parliament of England substantially the same in its general provisions. Up to that time there had been no similar law in England, except certain highly penal statutes passed in the reign of George II, prohibiting English subjects from enlisting in foreign service, the avowed object of which statutes was that foreign armies, raised for the purpose of restoring the house of Stuart to the throne, should not be strengthened by recruits from England herself.

December 6, 1952

I would also suggest that the building appropriated to the State Department is not fireproof; that there is reason to think there are defects in its construction, and that the archives of the Government in charge of the Department, with the precious collections of the manuscript papers of Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton, Madison, and Monroe, are exposed to destruction by fire. A similar remark may be made of the buildings appropriated to the War and Navy Departments.

President Franklin Pierce

December 5, 1853

Congress, representing the proprietors of the territorial domain and charged especially with power to dispose of territory belonging to the United States, has for a long course of years, beginning with the Administration of Mr. Jefferson, exercised the power to construct roads within the Territories, and there are so many and obvious distinctions between this exercise of power and that of making roads within the States that the former has never been considered subject to such objections as apply to the latter; and such may now be considered the settled construction of the power of the Federal Government upon the subject.

May 3, 1954

The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. Its (the General Government's) jurisdiction extends to certain enumerated objects only, and leaves to the several States a residuary and inviolable sovereignty over all other objects.

In the same spirit President Jefferson invokes "the support of the State governments in all their rights as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies;" and President Jackson said that our true strength and wisdom are not promoted by invasions of the rights and powers of the several States, but that, on the contrary, they consist "not in binding the States more closely to the center, but in leaving each more unobstructed in its proper orbit."

The framers of the Constitution, in refusing to confer on the Federal Government any jurisdiction over these purely local objects, in my judgment manifested a wise forecast and broad comprehension of the true interests of these objects themselves. It is clear that public charities within the States can be efficiently administered only by their authority. The bill before me concedes this, for it does not commit the funds it provides to the administration of any other authority.

December 30, 1854

It is quite obvious that if there be any constitutional power which authorizes the construction of "railroads and canals" by Congress, the same power must comprehend turnpikes and ordinary carriage roads; nay, it must extend to the construction of bridges, to the draining of marshes, to the erection of levees, to the construction of canals of irrigation; in a word, to all the possible means of the material improvement of the earth, by developing its natural resources anywhere and everywhere, even within the proper jurisdiction of the several States. But if there be any constitutional power thus comprehensive in its nature, must not the same power embrace within its scope other kinds of improvement of equal utility in themselves and equally important to the welfare of the whole country? President Jefferson, while intimating the expediency of so amending the Constitution as to comprise objects of physical progress and well-being, does not fail to perceive that "other objects of public improvement," including "public education" by name, belong to the same class of powers. In fact, not only public instruction, but hospitals, establishments of science and art, libraries, and, indeed, everything appertaining to the internal welfare of the country, are just as much objects of internal improvement, or, in other words, of internal utility, as canals and railways.

President James Buchanan

February 2, 1842

Such must also have been Mr. Jefferson's opinion. When consulted by General Washington in April, 1792, as to the propriety of vetoing "the act for an apportionment of Representatives among the several States, according to the first enumeration, “what was his first reason in favor of the exercise of this power upon that occasion?” “Viewing the bill," says he, “either as a violation of the Constitution, or as giving an inconvenient exposition to its words, is it a case wherein the President ought to interpose his negative?” “I think it is.” “The non user of his negative power begins already to excite a belief that no President will ever venture to use it; and consequently, has begotten a desire to raise up barriers in the State Legislatures against Congress throwing off the control of the Constitution.”

I shall not read the other reasons he has assigned, none of them being necessary for my present purpose. Perilous, indeed, I repeat, is the exercise of the veto power, and “no President will ever venture to use it,” unless from the strongest sense of duty, and the strongest conviction that it will receive the public approbation.

October 7, 1852

And why should we not all be united in support of Franklin Pierce? It is his peculiar distinction, above all other public men within my knowledge, that he has never had occasion to take a single step backwards. What speech, vote, or sentiment of his whole political career has been inconsistent with the purest and strictest principles of Jeffersonian Democracy? Our opponents, with all their vigilance and research, have not yet been able to discover a single one. His public character as a Democrat is above all exception. In supporting him, therefore, we shall do no more than sustain in his person our dear and cherished principles…

When a candidate is before the people for office, the inquiry ought never even to be made, what form of religious faith he professes; but only, in the language of Mr. Jefferson, “Is he honest; is he capable?”

President Abraham Lincoln

Springfield, Ills, April 6, 1859

Messrs. Henry L. Pierce, & others.

Gentlemen

Your kind note inviting me to attend a Festival in Boston, on the 13th. Inst. in honor of the birth-day of Thomas Jefferson, was duly received. My engagements are such that I can not attend.

Bearing in mind that about seventy years ago, two great political parties were first formed in this country, that Thomas Jefferson was the head of one of them, and Boston the head-quarters of the other, it is both curious and interesting that those supposed to descend politically from the party opposed to Jefferson should now be celebrating his birthday in their own original seat of empire, while those claiming political descent from him have nearly ceased to breathe his name everywhere.

Remembering too, that the Jefferson party were formed upon its supposed superior devotion to the personal rights of men, holding the rights of property to be secondary only, and greatly inferior, and then assuming that the so-called democracy of to-day, are the Jefferson, and their opponents, the anti-Jefferson parties, it will be equally interesting to note how completely the two have changed hands as to the principle upon which they were originally supposed to be divided.

The democracy of to-day hold the liberty of one man to be absolutely nothing, when in conflict with another man's right of property. Republicans, on the contrary, are for both the man and the dollar; but in cases of conflict, the man before the dollar.

I remember once being much amused at seeing two partially intoxicated men engage in a fight with their great-coats on, which fight, after a long, and rather harmless contest, ended in each having fought himself out of his own coat, and into that of the other. If the two leading parties of this day are really identical with the two in the days of Jefferson and Adams, they have perfomed the same feat as the two drunken men.

But soberly, it is now no child's play to save the principles of Jefferson from total overthrow in this nation.

One would start with great confidence that he could convince any sane child that the simpler propositions of Euclid are true; but, nevertheless, he would fail, utterly, with one who should deny the definitions and axioms. The principles of Jefferson are the definitions and axioms of free society.

And yet they are denied and evaded, with no small show of success.

One dashingly calls them "glittering generalities"; another bluntly calls them "self evident lies"; and still others insidiously argue that they apply only to "superior races."

These expressions, differing in form, are identical in object and effect--the supplanting the principles of free government, and restoring those of classification, caste, and legitimacy. They would delight a convocation of crowned heads, plotting against the people. They are the van-guard--the miners, and sappers--of returning despotism.

We must repulse them, or they will subjugate us.

This is a world of compensations; and he who would be no slave, must consent to have no slave. Those who deny freedom to others, deserve it not for themselves; and, under a just God, can not long retain it.

All honor to Jefferson--to the man who, in the concrete pressure of a struggle for national independence by a single people, had the coolness, forecast, and capacity to introduce into a merely revolutionary document, an abstract truth, applicable to all men and all times, and so to embalm it there, that to-day, and in all coming days, it shall be a rebuke and a stumbling-block to the very harbingers of re-appearing tyranny and oppression.

Your obedient Servant
A. Lincoln

New York February 27, 1860

In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, "It is still in our power to direct the process of emancipation, and deportation, peaceably, and in such slow degrees, as that the evil will wear off insensibly; and their places be, pari passu [on equal footing], filled up by free white laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at the prospect held up."

Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia; and, as to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slaveholding States only. The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the power of restraining the extension of the institution — the power to insure that a slave insurrection shall never occur on any American soil which is now free from slavery.

Washington, July 4, 1861

Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of independence in which, unlike the good old one, penned by Jefferson, they omit the words "all men are created equal." Why? They have adopted a temporary national constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one, signed by Washington, they omit "We, the People," and substitute, "We, the deputies of the sovereign and independent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights of men and the authority of the people?

President Andrew Johnson

June 6, 1864

I believe that man is capable of self-government, irrespective of outward circumstances, and whether he be a laborer, a shoemaker, a tailor or grocer. The question is whether a man is capable of self-government. I hold with Jefferson that government was made for the convenience of man, and not man for the government; that laws and constitutions were designed as mere instruments to promote his welfare. And hence from this principle I conclude that governments can and ought to be changed and amended to conform to the wants, to the requirements and progress of the people, and the enlightened spirit of the age.

Now, if any of you secessionists have lost faith in man's capability of self-government, and feel unfit for the exercise of this great right, go straight to rebeldom, take Jeff. Davis, Beauregard and Bragg for your masters, and put their collars on your necks.

And here let me say, that now is the time to recur to these fundamental principles. While the land is rent with anarchy and up heaved with the throes of a mighty revolution; while society is in this disordered state, and we are seeking security, let us fix the foundations of the Government on principles of eternal justice, which will endure for all time.

There is an element in our midst who are for perpetuating the institution of slavery. Let me say to you, Tennesseeans and men from the Northern States, that slavery is dead. It was not murdered by me. I told you long ago what the result would be if you endeavored to go out of the Union to save slavery, and that the result would be bloodshed, rapine, devastated fields, plundered villages and cities; and therefore I urged you to remain in the Union. In trying to save slavery you killed it, and lost your own freedom. Your slavery is dead, but I did not murder it. As Macbeth said to Banquo's bloody ghost:

‘Never shake thy gory locks at me,
Thou canst not say I did it.'

Slavery is dead, and you must pardon me if I do not mourn over its dead body; you can bury it out of sight. In restoring the State leave out that disturbing and dangerous element, and use only those parts of the machinery which will move in harmony.

Now, in regard to emancipation, I want to say to the blacks that liberty means liberty to work and enjoy the fruits of your labor. Idleness is not freedom. I desire that all men shall have a fair start and an equal chance in the race of life, and let him succeed who has the most merit. This, I think, is a principle of heaven. I am for emancipation for two reasons: first, because it is right in itself; and second, because in the emancipation of the slaves, we break down an odious and dangerous aristocracy. I think that we are freeing more whites than blacks in Tennessee.

December 3, 1866

"To keep in all things within the pale of our constitutional powers and cherish the Federal Union as the only rock of safety" were prescribed by Jefferson as rules of action to endear to his "countrymen the true principles of their Constitution and promote a union of sentiment and action, equally auspicious to their happiness and safety."

January 5, 1867

Mr. Jefferson, in referring to the early constitution of Virginia, objected that by its provisions all the powers of government--legislative, executive, and judicial--resulted to the legislative body, holding that "the concentrating these in the same hands is precisely the definition of despotic government. It will be no alleviation that these powers will be exercised by a plurality of hands, and not by a single one. One hundred and seventy-three despots would surely be as oppressive as one." "As little will it avail us that they are chosen by ourselves. An elective despotism was not the government we fought for, but one which should not only be rounded on free principles, but in which the powers of government should be so divided and balanced among several bodies of magistracy as that no one could transcend their legal limits without being effectually checked and restrained by the others. For this reason that convention which passed the ordinance of government laid its foundation on this basis, that the legislative, executive, and judicial departments should be separate and distinct, so that no person should exercise the powers of more than one of them at the same time. But no barrier was provided between these several powers. The judiciary and executive members were left dependent on the legislative for their subsistence in office, and some of them for their continuance in it. If, therefore, the legislature assumes executive and judiciary powers, no opposition is likely to be made, nor, if made, can be effectual, because in that case they may put their proceedings into the form of an act of assembly, which will render them obligatory on the other branches. They have accordingly in many instances decided rights which should have been left to judiciary controversy; and the direction of the executive, during the whole time of their session, is becoming habitual and familiar."

President Ulysses S. Grant

Mid-Winter 1862

[Below is from biographer Albert Richardson in “A personal history of Ulysses S. Grant”:]

In a few minor points the career of our unpretending General resembled Napoleon's, who likewise began as a second-lieutenant, wore a rough coat and clumsy boots, was called “the Spartan” by his classmates, and “Father Thoughtful” by his soldiers, accepted every promotion as a matter of course, and had absolute confidence in his destiny to succeed. Grant had not run away from his first battle, like Frederic, nor was he corrupt, like Marlborough, nor boastful, like Alexander and Xerxes. He had given us almost every great success yet gained in the war. But he was unimaginative and unrhetorical, and Americans instinctively infer that these qualities come from stupidity. Once the impatient and vain John Adams pointed at Washington's portrait, exclaiming, “No one will ever know how often that old wooden head obtained credit for wisdom by simply holding his tongue when he had nothing to say."

Every school-boy could have named heroes and statesmen from Cato to Jefferson, who were not glib of tongue. But the lessons of history are unheeded until each generation learns them yet anew. So there were sharp trials and imminent perils yet in store for our General before the nation should comprehend his virtues or his genius.

June 13, 1870

From 1789 to 1815 the dominant thought of our statesmen was to keep the United States out of the wars which were devastating Europe. The discussion of measures of neutrality begins with the State papers of Mr. Jefferson when Secretary of State. He shows that they are measures of national right as well as of national duty; that misguided individual citizens can not be tolerated in making war according to their own caprice, passions, interests, or foreign sympathies; that the agents of foreign governments, recognized or unrecognized, can not be permitted to abuse our hospitality by usurping the functions of enlisting or equipping military or naval forces within our territory.

July 6, 1878

[According to Prince Otto von Bismarck in conversation with President Ulysses S. Grant:]

In speaking of the means for preserving the Union and perpetuating our institutions General Grant said that great care should be taken to extend our common- school system to every nook and corner of our vast country, and to bring that system to its highest perfection; to cultivate in the rising generation love of country or true patriotism, and instill in their minds the idea of the indissolubleness of the Union. They should be taught not to love Caesar less, but Rome more; "that is to say, while loving the home State, they should love the country more. Hard sectional feelings should give way to brotherly love for the whole American family. Now, that the cause of the late great strife is forever removed, the whole nation, as one great family, should cultivate genuine brotherly feelings and endeavor to perpetuate the union of the States, the principles of the Declaration of Independence, and constitutional liberty.

President Rutherford B. Hayes

April 22, 1880

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I have the honor to inform Congress that Mr. J. Randolph Coolidge, Dr. Algernon Coolidge, Mr. Thomas Jefferson Coolidge, and Mrs. Ellen Dwight, of Massachusetts, the heirs of the late Joseph Coolidge, jr., desire to present to the United States the desk on which the Declaration of Independence was written. It bears the following inscription in the handwriting of Thomas Jefferson:

Thomas Jefferson gives this writing desk to Joseph Coolidge, jr., as a memorial of his affection. It was made from a drawing of his own, by Ben. Randall, cabinetmaker of Philadelphia, with whom he first lodged on his arrival in that city in May, 1776, and is the identical one on which he wrote the Declaration of Independence.

Politics, as well as religion, has its superstitions. These, gaining strength with time, may one day give imaginary value to this relic for its association with the birth of the great charter of our independence.

Monticello, November 18, 1825.

The desk was placed in my possession by Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, and is herewith transmitted to Congress with the letter of Mr. Winthrop expressing the wish of the donors "to offer it to the United States, so that it may henceforth have a place in the Department of State in connection with the immortal instrument which was written upon it in 1776."

I respectfully recommend that such action be taken by Congress as may be deemed appropriate with reference to a gift to the nation so precious in its history and for the memorable associations which belong to it.

RUTHERFORD B. HAYES

December 15. Monday. [1890] —

Democracy and Republicanism in their best partisan utterances alike declare for human rights. Jefferson, the father of Democracy, Lincoln, the embodiment of Republicanism, and the Divine author of the religion on which true civilization rests, all proclaim the equal rights of all men.

President James Garfield

April 9, 1864

My colleague misrepresents me — I presume unintentionally — when he says that I have, on two occasions, declared my readiness to overleap the Constitution. That I may set myself and him right on that question, I will say, once for all, that I have never uttered such a sentiment. I believe, sir, that our fathers erected a government to endure forever; that they framed a Constitution which provided, not for its own dissolution, but for its amendment and perpetuation. I believe that that Constitution confers on the executive and legislative departments of the government the amplest powers to protect and defend this nation against all its enemies, foreign and domestic; that we are clothed with plenary power to pursue rebels in arms, either as traitors, to be convicted in the courts and executed on the gallows, or as public enemies, to be subjected to the laws of war and destroyed on the battle-field. We are at liberty to adopt either policy, or both, as we deem most expedient. But, sir, gentlemen on the other side of this chamber profess to be greatly embarrassed by constitutional restrictions. They tell us that the Constitution confers upon us no right to coerce a rebellious State; no right to confiscate the property of traitors; no right to employ black men in the military service; no right to suspend the writ of habeas corpus; no right to arrest spies; no right to draft citizens to fill up the army; in short, no right to do anything which is indispensably necessary to save the nation and the Constitution. It was in answer to such claims that I said, in substance, if all these things were so, I would fall back on the inalienable right of self-preservation, and overleap the barriers of the Constitution; but I would leap into the arms of a willing people, who made the Constitution, and who could, in the day of dire necessity, make other weapons for their own salvation. The nation is greater than the work of its own hands. The preservation of its life is of greater moment than the preservation of any parchment, however replete with human wisdom. I desire to read an extract from an authority which, I am sure, the gentleman will acknowledge, Thomas Jefferson. This extract states more ably than I can the very doctrine I have advocated.

[Afterwards Mr. Garfield read from a letter from Thomas Jefferson to J. B. Colvin, dated September 20, 1810:]

“The question you propose, whether circumstances do not sometimes occur which make it a duty in officers of high trust to assume authorities beyond the law, is easy of solution in principle, but sometimes embarrassing in practice. A strict observance of the written laws is doubtless one of the high duties of a good citizen: but it is not the highest. The laws of necessity, of self-preservation, of saving our country when in danger, are of higher obligation. To lose our country by a scrupulous adherence to written law, would be to lose the law itself, with life, liberty, property and all those who are enjoying them with us; thus absurdly sacrificing the end to the means. When, in the battle of Germantown, General Washington’s army was annoyed from Chew’s house, he did not hesitate to plant his cannon against it, altho’ the property of a citizen. When he besieged Yorktown, he levelled the suburbs, feeling that the laws of property must be postponed to the safety of the nation. While that army was before Yorktown, the Governor of Virginia took horses, carriages, provisions and even men, by force, to enable that army to stay together till it could master the public enemy; and he was justified.”

August 24, 1871

The wisdom of that provision of our present constitution which submits the question of calling a new convention to the people each twentieth year, was ably vindicated in 1851 by Judge Ranney, who was a member of the constituent convention from Trumbull County. Following the doctrine of Jefferson, that it is inconsistent with the spirit of American institutions for one generation to bind another without its consent, he insisted that at least once in each generation the fundamental law of Ohio should be recommitted to the judgment of the people, without the previous permission of two thirds of the legislature. He held that, though the legislature might at any time submit to the people proposals for special amendments, or for a general revision, still such proposals would usually come from one political party, and would not, therefore, be likely to receive the fair and unprejudiced judgment of the whole people. He held, furthermore, that it was reasonable to assume that twenty years of growth in population, wealth, and intelligence would develop new wants and new dangers to such an extent that the people themselves ought to take the initiative in revising their fundamental law, and providing new safeguards for the future…

It is a delusion and a snare to suppose that inflation will benefit the business of the country. Since the inauguration of General Grant the purchasing power of the currency has increased twenty-one per cent, in consequence of its enhanced value. The $700,000,000 of outstanding currency held by the people is now worth $100,000,000 more in gold than it was in March, 1869. We have been slowly making our way back to solid values and to the steady industries of peace. The Democracy of Ohio propose to push us out again upon the sea of paper money, on whose waves we must toss more wildly than ever. Our money is no longer to be the money of the world. Though our trade of a billion a year with foreign nations must be in gold and silver, yet among ourselves we are to have a debased and irredeemable paper currency, whose volume and value are to depend upon the folly and caprices of political parties, and upon the accident of a vote in Congress. We are invited to re-enact the folly of assignats and Continental money. And this is the policy of a party that preaches loudly against the dangers of centralization! When the government turns banker, and when the value of every product is made to depend upon a few men at Washington, we shall indeed have a most dangerous centralization of power. This is the policy of the party that still boasts of Jefferson as their father, — Jefferson, who said, in the ripeness of his wisdom, "That paper money has some advantages is admitted; but that its abuses are inevitable, and, by breaking up the measure of value, make a lottery of all private property, cannot be denied."

July 12, 1880

Fortunately for the interests of commerce, there is no longer any formidable opposition to appropriation for the improvements of our harbors and great navigable rivers, provided that the expenditures for that purpose are strictly limited to works of national importance. The Mississippi river, with its great tributaries is of such vital importance to so many millions of people, that the safety of its navigation requires exceptional consideration. In order to secure to the nation the control of all its waters, President Jefferson negotiated the purchase of a vast territory extending from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific Ocean. The wisdom of Congress should be invoked to devise some plan by which that great river shall cease to be a terror to those who dwell upon its banks, and by which its shipping may safely carry the industrial products of 25,000,000 of people. The interests of agriculture, which is the basis of all our material prosperity, and in which seven-twelfths of the population are arrayed, as well as the interest of manufactures and commerce, demand that the facilities for cheap transportation shall be increased by the use of all our great water courses.

February 27, 1882

[Below is a eulogy by James Blaine:]

Garfield’s ambition for the success of his Administration was high. With strong caution and conservatism in his nature, he was in no danger of attempting rash experiments or of resorting to the empiricism of statesmanship. But he believed that renewed and closer attention should be given to questions affecting the material interests and commercial prospects of fifty millions of people. He believed that our continental relations, extensive and undeveloped as they are, involved responsibility, and could be cultivated into profitable friendship or be abandoned to harmful indifference or lasting enmity. He believed with equal confidence that an essential forerunner to a new era of national progress must be a feeling of contentment in every section of the Union, and a generous belief that the benefits and burdens of government would be common to all. Himself a conspicuous illustration of what ability and ambition may do under republican institutions, he loved his country with a passion of patriotic devotion, and every waking thought was given to her advancement. He was an American in all his aspirations, and he looked to the destiny and influence of the United States with the philosophic composure of Jefferson and the demonstrative confidence of John Adams.

President Chester A. Arthur

January 19, 1882

[Below is from biographer Gregory J. Dehler in “Chester Alan Arthur: The Life of a Gilded Age Politician and President”:]

Arthur was probably one of the least hard-working Presidents in history…

In addition to fine food and spirits, Arthur maintained his expensive lifestyle. He liked to pamper himself and spent huge sums of money on consumption. His dapper and costly wardrobe never failed to impress. Unlike Thomas Jefferson, Arthur would not be seen in the White House in frayed slippers. Arthur had a large ornate green carriage and two magnificent horses to pull them. There was no confusing his carriage on the streets of the nation's capital.

President Grover Cleveland

October 25, 1881

If we had stood faithfully by Jeffersonian principles; if we had exercised all the power of legitimate party discipline to destroy corruption and demagogism in our own ranks; if we had been content to deserve success and to wait for it, we would, in my judgment, have been for many years firmly intrenched in power in the State and nation. The weakness of our present position, in which we seem to depend more upon Republican dissensions and decay than upon any strength of our own, is, I think, much more due to our failures in the directions I have indicated than it is to any personal or factional quarrels which have existed among us.

March 4, 1885

The genius of our institutions, the needs of our people in their home life, and the attention which is demanded for the settlement and development of the resources of our vast territory dictate the scrupulous avoidance of any departure from that foreign policy commended by the history, uhe traditions, and the prosperity of our Republic. It is the policy of independence, favored by our position and defended by our known love of justice and by our power. It is the policy of peace suitable to our interests. It is the policy of neutrality, rejecting any share in foreign broils and ambitions upon other continents and repelling their intrusion here. It is the policy of Monroe and of Washington and Jefferson--"Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations; entangling alliance with none."

September 12, 1890

It seems but a very short time ago that I participated in the laying of the corner stone of the building now ready for occupancy, and I recognize in the vigor with which it has been pushed to completion the most gratifying evidence of the zeal and sturdiness of your Democratic organization.

The Kings County Democracy should certainly be congratulated upon the possession of such beautiful headquarters in a building whose name suggests the true Democratic faith. In the Thomas Jefferson there should be found no room for counsels in the least regardless of the value of pure and honest government, or lacking in sympathy with the highest and greatest good of the people.

I feel that I can wish nothing better for your association than that their new home may be long continued to them, and that they may take with them there and always maintain those principles of Jeffersonian Democracy, as old as the Nation, which, if steadfastly upheld and honestly applied, are certain to insure the felicity and prosperity of our country.

January 8, 1891

There has never been a time, from Jefferson's day to the present hour, when our party did not exist, active and aggressive and prepared for heroic conflict. Not all who have followed the banner have been able by a long train of close reasoning to demonstrate, as an abstraction, why Democratic principles are best suited to their wants and the country's good; but they have known and felt that as their government was established for the people, the principles and the men nearest to the people and standing for them could be the safest trusted. Jackson has been in their eyes the incarnation of the things which Jefferson declared.

February 3, 1891

The Democracy of Ohio is deserving of the utmost regard of its party friends everywhere on account of its steadfastness to a party creed and loyalty. This reflection but adds to my perplexity, as I see insurmountable obstacles in the way of my meeting those who will gather at your contemplated banquet.

These are days above all others in our generation when the memory of Jefferson's patriotism, conservatism, wisdom, and devotion to everything American should be kept warm in the hearts and minds of his countrymen, and especially of his political followers. The contemplation of these things should serve to check every tendency to follow false and delusive lights, and to tread untried and unsafe paths.

It is most fitting and useful, therefore, that your club, which bears the name of this illustrious man, should properly celebrate every anniversary of his birth.

March 26, 1891

It would afford me great satisfaction if I could accept your invitation to join the Democracy of the State of Washington in their celebration of the birthday of Thomas Jefferson, on the 13th day of April next.

It seems to me that there never was a time in our history when the American people could with so much profit recall the character and teachings of this illustrious man. The peril of our day lies in an inclination to disregard the virtue of patriotism— absolutely necessary to the success of free institutions — and the acceptance of the vicious lessons of selfishness, and in an ignoble toleration of the idea that the operations of our government may be used as aids in the advancement of special interests.

Jefferson has warned us that these things are all opposed to the principles upon which our scheme of popular rule is founded. He has admonished us that the requisites of success for the plan of government which we exhibit to the world are our united determination to reach the national destiny our institution’s promise, a patriotic, unselfish care of every interest affecting the general prosperity of our people, and the scrupulous cultivation and preservation of that genuine Americanism which is considerate of all our conditions, tolerant of all our varied interests, and free from unworthy suspicion or jealousy.

It follows that, if there are dangerous political tendencies abroad in their land, they should not be found among those who profess the faith of true Democracy. We who acknowledge Jefferson as the founder of our party, should never for a moment discredit the wisdom or devotion to principle of our great leader, who knew so well the essentials of our country's perpetuation and welfare, nor should we ever doubt that he has left to us a safe guide to the way of political duty.

April 2, 1891

I very much regret that I am unable to accept the invitation thus courteously extended to me, for I believe that those who profess the political faith of Thomas Jefferson cannot too often contemplate his life and services, and all that he has done for our country and for the American name.

Every Democrat should be proud to claim that the services he rendered in the cause of freedom and humanity were rendered under the sanction of Democratic principles. Nor should we forget that the honest and fearless application of these principles is of no less importance now than when our great leader announced them.

The occasion which you contemplate should not, therefore, be allowed to pass without leaving, on the minds of those who participate, the conviction that, as followers of Thomas Jefferson, they assume the responsibility to their fellow countrymen which exacts not only loyalty to party organization, but the intelligent and sturdy advocacy of Democratic doctrines in their purity and integrity.

If these doctrines are fairly and frankly taught, we need have no apprehension that the absolute reliance upon the deliberate thought of the American people, which Jefferson insisted upon, will disappoint us — either as members of the Democratic party or as patriotic American citizens.

April 13, 1891

These considerations furnish to those who love their country the highest and best incentives to constant and faithful effort in the cause of true Democracy.

We are reminded on this occasion that we not only have a proud history and glorious traditions, but that our party had an illustrious founder, whose services and teachings have done as much to justify and make successful our government by the people and for the people, as any American who ever lived. A claim to such political ancestry is, of itself, sufficient to lend honor and pride to membership in a party which preserves in their vigor and purity the principles of that Democracy which was established by Thomas Jefferson.

These principles were not invented for the purpose of gaining popular assent for a day, nor only because they were useful in the early time of the Republic. They were not announced for the purpose of serving personal ambitions, nor merely for the purpose of catching the suffrage of the people. They were laid as deep and broad as the truths upon which the fabric of our government rested. In the spirit of prophecy, they were formulated and declared, not only as suited to the experiments of a new government, but as sufficient in every struggle and every emergency which should beset popular rule, in all times to come and in all stages of our country's growth and development.

March 25, 1892

I am in receipt of the courteous invitation tendered me by the Iroquois Club, of Chicago, to attend its annual banquet in commemoration of the birthday of Thomas Jefferson on the 2d day of April. The fact that I have been obliged to decline other invitations of the club to meet its members and guests on similar occasions causes me especially to regret that I cannot accept this, but the work I have to do and the engagements I have made enforce another declination.

A contemplation of Jefferson's life and services, and a review of his political expressions, cannot fail to be improving and profitable to the Democracy of the present day. If entered upon in a proper spirit, Jefferson's teachings ought to increase the tenacity of our hold upon the simple truths which made up his political faith, and should satisfy us with the standards of Democracy which he established. In these days, when the Democratic party is beset with temptation, and when on every side false lights are set up for its destruction, its safety will be found in steadfastly and trustingly following the way which principle points out and shunning the allurements of temporary expedients, and resisting the seductions of popular misconceptions.

President Benjamin Harrison

February 23, 1888

We could even unite with our Democratic friends in celebrating the birthday of St. Jackson, because we enter into fellowship with him when we read his story of how by proclamation he put down nullification in South Carolina. [Applause.] We could meet with them to celebrate the birthday of Thomas Jefferson; because there is no note in the immortal Declaration or in the Constitution of our country that is out of harmony with Republicanism. [Cheers.]

September 3, 1892

A Democratic Congress holding this view can not enact, nor a Democratic President approve, any tariff schedule the purpose or effect of which is to limit importations or to give any advantage to an American workman or producer. A bounty might, I judge, be given to the importer under this view of the Constitution, in order to increase importations, and so the revenue for "revenue only" is the limitation. Reciprocity, of course, falls under this denunciation, for its object and effect are not revenue, but the promotion of commercial exchanges, the profits of which go wholly to our producers.

This destructive, un-American doctrine was not held or taught by the historic Democratic statesmen whose fame as American patriots has reached this generation — certainly not by Jefferson or Jackson. This mad crusade against American shops, the bitter epithets applied to American manufacturers, the persistent disbelief of every report of the opening of a tin-plate mill or of an increase of our foreign trade by reciprocity are as surprising as they are discreditable.

August 27, 1896

Now, our fathers thought that when they used these two metals in coinage they must determine the intrinsic relative value of the two, so that a consultation of the markets of the world would show just what relation one ounce of silver bore to one ounce of gold, how many ounces of silver it took to be equal to one ounce of gold in the markets of the world where gold and silver were used, and they carefully went about ascertaining that. Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton gave their great powers to the determination of that question, and they collected the market reports and they studied with all their power that question, and when they had found what appeared to be the general and average relative value of these two metals they fixed upon a ratio between them. Now, what was the object of all that? Because they fully understood that unless these dollars were of the same inherent, intrinsic value, that both of them could not be standards of value and both could not circulate. [Applause.] Why, every boy knows that it is essential that the length of his stilts below the tread shall be the same. What is the law that governs here? It is just this simple law of human selfishness and self-protection that if you have two things either one of which will pay a debt, and one is not so valuable as the other, you are sure to give the less valuable one. [Laughter.] It is just upon the principles that a man who can pay a debt with one dollar won’t give two — precisely that. So that unless these two things maintain approximately their relative value, so that sixteen ounces of silver are worth one ounce of gold, you cannot make such dollars circulate together.

President William McKinley

June 11, 1892

Our philosophy includes the grower of the wool, the weaver of the fabric, the seamstress, and the tailor. Our tariff reformers have no thought of these toilers. They can bear their hard tasks in pinching poverty -for the sake of cheap coats, which prove by far the dearest when measured by sweat and toil. Our tariff reformers concern themselves only about cheap coats and cheap shoes. We do not overlook the comfort of those who make the coats and make the shoes, and who provide the wool and the cloth, the hides and the leather.

I gracefully commend to the new leader of the Democracy the patriotic utterances of its old leader, Thomas Jefferson. I quote from one of his letters to Jean Baptiste Say: “The prohibiting duties we lay on all articles of foreign manufacture, which prudence requires us to establish at home with the patriotic determination of every good citizen to use no foreign article which can be made within ourselves, without regard to difference of price, secures us against a relapse into foreign dependency.”

Also the following from his letter to Benjamin Austin: “We must now place the manufacturer by the side of the agriculturist. Experience has taught me that manufacturers are now as necessary to our independence as to our comfort, and if those who quote me as of a different opinion will keep pace with me in purchasing nothing foreign, where an equivalent of domestic fabric can be obtained, without regard to difference in price, it will not be our fault if we do not soon have a supply at home equal to our demand.”

Jefferson was solicitous that the people should buy nothing abroad which could be had at home. He set the example of buying the domestic goods instead of the foreign goods, even though the former cost more than the latter. He did not have that depth of sympathy for cheap foreign goods which the new leader of the Democratic party boastfully confesses dwells in his breast. Jefferson was for the home product and the home producer, and his exalted patriotism is commended to those who are leading the party from its ancient moorings.

October 16, 1899

I never travel through this mighty West, a part of the Louisiana Purchase, — Iowa, part of Minnesota, and the Dakotas,— that I do not feel like offering my gratitude to Thomas Jefferson for his wisdom and foresight in acquiring this vast territory, to be peopled by men and women such as I have seen here and elsewhere in these four States. [Great applause.]

October 31, 1899

Associated with this great commonwealth are many of the most sacred ties of our national life. From here came forth many of our greatest statesmen and heroes who gave vigor and virtue and glory to the republic. For thirty-seven of the sixty-one years from 1789 to 1850, sons of Virginia occupied the presidential office with rare fidelity and distinction— a period covering more than one fourth of our national existence. What State, what nation can have a greater heritage than such names as Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Marshall? Their deeds inspire the old and the young. They are written in our histories. They are a part of the education of every child of the land. They enrich the school-books of the country. They are cherished in every American home, and will be so long as liberty lasts and the Union endures. [Applause.]

President Theodore Roosevelt

Dec 15, 1896

My dear Mr. [Frederick Jackson] Turner:-

I was delighted to receive your letter. I am more and more inclined to think that you are quite right as to the inadvisability of my taking the [negative] tone I did toward Jefferson.

October 27, 1902

My dear Mr. Fischer:

I could have received on my birthday no present I should have appreciated more than the gift, or rather the gifts, you have sent me — the picture of Jefferson and his framed autograph letter. Indeed I accept them with the greatest pleasure; and thank you heartily for your thoughtfulness. You know how Mrs. Roosevelt and I always enjoy our visits to your gallery.

Believe me, with sincere thanks,

Very truly yours,

Theodore Roosevelt

July 5, 1904

My dear Mr. Page:

I have received your letter about the movement to raise a Thomas Jefferson memorial fund as an endowment for the University of Virginia. I most earnestly wish you success, and I feel that the moment you have chosen is most opportune, owing to the reawakened interest in Jefferson's great work caused by the centenary of the Louisiana Purchase. Your work should commend itself not only to those who are especially interested in the cause of higher education in the South, but to all who are interested in the cause of higher education throughout our country. You need a large sum for such a memorial, and I can not help feeling that you will get it if the most eminent men of the country, irrespective of section or party, can have the matter laid before them and are satisfied, as they should be satisfied, as to the great merit of the movement.

The University of Virginia occupies a unique position among our educational institutions. On the first board of visitors to the institution were Jefferson, Madison and Monroe. The university was one of Jefferson's cherished ideas - a project which occupied his whole time and attention during the latter years of his life. It has never had an endowment requisite to its barest needs.

Now in the great exposition at St. Louis the country is proclaiming the centennial of the achievement in which Jefferson took the leading part; the achievement which, in the purchase of the then territory of Louisiana, definitely established this country as the greatest nation of the Western Hemisphere. Surely this celebration should not be brought to a close without leaving on the nation some other mark than the memory of its grandeur. The movement to this end can most properly take the form of a monument forever to Jefferson's genius; a moment far more enduring than bronze, and which will fully realize one of his greatest ideals.

It would be a good thing if the people of this country, North and South, East and West, should come forward and establish a Jefferson Fund for the university as a fit culmination for the great celebration of the present year. Jefferson wrote his own epitaph to be inscribed on the granite shaft that marks his grave at Monticello. In this epitaph he did not recite the offices he had held, but the three deeds he had done which he esteemed of most worth to his fellow men, and the epitaph runs as follows:

“Here was buried Thomas Jefferson, Author of the Declaration of American Independence, the Statute of Virginia for Religious Freedom, and Father of the University of Virginia.”

The American people can surely be, appealed to with confidence to carry out Jefferson's work in the way which he would himself have regarded as most gratifying, by endowing, as it should be endowed, the noble institution of learning which he founded. I earnestly hope for the success of your movement.

Sincerely yours,

Theodore Roosevelt

April 4, 1905

And in coming to this great and beautiful city of yours I wish to congratulate you upon the historic spirit that is found here. I am glad, as I say, of the spirit that makes you wish to dedicate statues like this of Jefferson, and like the great statue of Clay inside of this court house. It is a fine thing to keep to a sense of historic continuity with the past, and there is one statue that I wish the members in the National Congress from Kentucky to see is put up by the National government, and that is a national statue to Andrew Jackson and the victors of the battle of New Orleans. The fight at New Orleans was one in which the whole nation has a care, as far as the glory and the profit went, and the whole Nation, and not any one State, should join in putting that statue up.

President William Howard Taft

September 29, 1909

One of Mr. Seward's substantial claims to the gratitude of his countrymen and to a place among the statesmen of his country was the broad view which he took of the value of Alaska and his wisdom in effecting its purchase. The cession of Virginia and the ordinance of 1787, which gave to the nation the Middle West, the purchase by Jefferson of Louisiana Territory, which carried our domain to the Rocky Mountains, the annexation of Texas, and the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, which extended our territory to the Pacific Coast, were properly supplemented by the acquisition of Alaska, and this Exposition may well be regarded as a celebration of the foresight of Seward in his policy of expansion.

1915

Jefferson was the father, and until he died in 1825, the real head, of a great party which, with but a few short intervals, continued in power until the Civil War…

Jefferson had profound confidence in the people, and was the embodiment of the democratic principle. He was a genius in many ways. He was a voluminous and enormously industrious correspondent. He was a student of government and a statesman, a lawyer, an architect, a politician, a man of widest interests and information, the champion of all freedom and especially of religious tolerance, the founder of the University of Virginia, and a great promoter of education in that early day…

After Mr. Jefferson's death, Mr. Livingston was arguing a case in the Supreme Court of the United States when the other side quoted from his answer to Jefferson as to the Batture. In the course of his argument he referred to the answer and said that it was written under a sense of having a great wrong done him by Mr. Jefferson, and that he had not changed his view since writing it. But he said he thought he owed it to the memory of Mr. Jefferson to say that in after years Mr. Jefferson renewed his friendly relations with him, and showed by his conduct the greatness which a French writer recognizes in a man who having done an injury to another is able to forgive that other.

President Woodrow Wilson

March 1880

Jefferson was a born leader of men, who not only led his party, but first created it and then taught it the methods of power…

Even Mr. Jefferson, philanthropist and champion of peaceable and modest government though he was, exemplified this double temper of the people he ruled. “Peace is our passion,” he had declared; but the passion abated when he saw the mouth of the Missis¬ sippi about to pass into the hands of France. Though he had loved France and hated England, he did not hesitate then what language to hold. “There is on the globe,” he wrote to Mr. Livingston at Paris, “one single spot the possessor of which is our natural and habitual enemy. The day that France takes possession of New Orleans seals the union of two nations, who, in conjunction, can maintain exclusive possession of the sea. From that moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation.” Our interests must march forward, altruists though we are: other nations must see to it that they stand off, and do not seek to stay us.

April 13, 1908

Only principles are constructive. No miscellaneous programme of measures formed by no principle, unified by no controlling purpose, can give life to a great national party and lift it above faction or futility. The principle to which the voters of this country should be called back now is the great constructive principle of the reign of law. The familiar Jeffersonian maxim that that government is the best which governs least, translated into the terms of modern experience, means that that government is best whose processes least expose the individual to arbitrary interference and the choices of governors, which makes him most secure of the regular and impartial administration of fixed and uniform rules, which makes no distinction between class and class, aims always at eliminating undesirable transactions rather than at setting up official interference with the management of business, and looks to individuals, not to the general public (such as investors) to bear the penalties of infraction. Law, and the government as umpire; not discretionary power, and the government as master, should be the programme of every man who loves liberty and the established character of the Republic.

October 1909

In one sense, it is not a question of politics. It does not involve Hamilton’s theories of Government or of constitutional interpretation. Some of us are Jeffersonians, not Hamiltonians, in political creed and principle, and would not linger long over the question, What shall we do to return safely to Hamilton? It is not a Hamiltonian question.

April 13, 1912

What Jefferson Would Do

The circumstances of our day are so utterly different from those of Jefferson’s day that it may seem nothing less than an act of temerity to attempt to say what Jefferson would do if he were now alive and guiding us with his vision and command. The world we live in no longer divided into neighbourhoods and communities; the lines of the telegraph thread it like nerves uniting a single organism. The ends of the earth touch one another and exchange impulse and purpose. America has swung out of her one-time isolation and has joined the family of nations. She is linked to mankind by every tie of blood and circumstance. She is more cosmopolitan in her make-up than any other nation of the world; is enriched by a greater variety of energy drawn from strong peoples the world over. She is not the simple, homogeneous, rural nation that she was in Jefferson’s time, making only a beginning at development and the conquest of fortune; she is great and strong; above all she is infinitely varied; her affairs are shot through with emotion and the passion that comes with strength and growth and self-confidence. We live in a new and strange age and reckon with new affairs alike in economics and politics of which Jefferson knew nothing.

And yet we may remind ourselves that Jefferson’s mind did not move in a world of narrow circumstances; it did not confine itself to the conditions of a single race or a single continent. It had commerce with the thought of men old and new; it had moved in an age of ample air, in which men thought not only of nations but of mankind, in which they saw not only individual policies, but a great field of human need and of human fortune. Neither did he think in abstract terms, as did the men with whom he had had such stimulating commerce of thought in France. His thought was not speculation; it was the large generalization that comes from actual observation and experience. He had had contact with plain men of many kinds, as well as with philosophers and foreign statesmen. He thought in a way that his neighbours in Virginia could understand, in a way which illuminated their own lives and ambitions for them. And though he was deemed a philosopher, he was nevertheless the idol of the people, for he somehow heard and voiced what they themselves could have said and purposed and conceived. For all the largeness of his thought, it was bathed in an everyday atmosphere; it belongs to the actual, workaday world; it has its feet firmly on circumstances and fact and the footing all men are accustomed to who reflect at all on their lives and the lives of their neighbours and compatriots. He was holding up for the illumination of the things of which he spoke a light which he had received out of the hands of old philosophers. But the rays of that light as he held it fell upon actual American life; they did not lose themselves vaguely in space; they were for the guidance of men’s feet every day.

We may be sure, therefore, that had Jefferson lived in our time he would have acted upon the facts as they are. In the first place, because he would have seen them as they actually are, and in the second place because he would have been interested in theory only as he could adjust it to the reality of the life about him. He would not have been content with a philosophy which he could fit together only within the walls of his study. To determine what Jefferson would have done, therefore, requires only that we should ourselves clearly see the facts of our time as they are, whether in the field of government or in the field of our economic life, and that we should see how Jefferson’s principle of the rule and authority of the people stands related to these facts. We are constantly quoting Jefferson’s fundamental thought: it was that no policy could last whose foundation is narrow, based upon the privileges and authority of a few, but that its foundations must be as broad as the interests of all the men and families and neighbourhoods that live under it. Monopoly, private control, the authority of privilege, the concealed mastery of a few men cunning enough to rule without showing their power — he would have at once announced them rank weeds which were sure to choke out all wholesome life in the fair garden of affairs. If we can detect these things in our time; if we can see them and describe them and touch them as they are, then we know what Jefferson would have done. He would have moved against them, sometimes directly, sometimes indirectly, sometimes openly, sometimes subtly; but whether he merely mined about them or struck directly at them, he would have set systematic war against them at the front of all his purpose.

As regards the real influences that control our Government, he would have asked first of all: Are they determined by the direct and open contacts of opinion? He would have found that they were not; that, on the contrary, our Government as it has developed has supplied secret influences with a hundred coverts and ambushes; that the opinion of the Nation makes little noise in the committee rooms of legislatures; that it is certain large, special interests and not the people who maintain the lobby; that the argument of the lobby is oftentimes louder and more potent than the argument of the hustings and the floor of the representative body. He would have found, moreover, that until very recent years opinion had had very difficult access, if any at all, in most seasons, of the private conferences in which candidates for office were chosen, candidates for both administrative and legislative office, and that in the private conferences where it was determined who should be nominated and, therefore, of course, who should be elected, the same influences had established themselves which ruled in the legislative lobby. That money, the money that kept the whole organization together, flowed in, not from the general body of the people, but from those who wished to determine in their own private interest what governors and legislators should and should not do.

It is plain in such circumstances what he would have insisted, as we are insisting now, that if there could be found no means by which the authority and purpose of the people could break into these private places and establish their rule again, if the jungle proved too thick for the common thought to explore, if the coverts where the real power lurked were too difficult to find, the forces of genuine democracy must move around them instead of through them, must surround and beleaguer them, must establish a force outside of them by which they can be dominated or overawed. It is with the discussion of just such affairs that the public mind is now preoccupied and engrossed. Debate is busy with them from one end of the land to the other.

As regards the economic policy of the country it is perfectly plain that Mr. Jefferson would have insisted upon a tariff fitted to actual conditions, by which he would have meant not the interests of the few men who find access to the hearings of the Ways and Means Committee of the House and the Finance Committee of the Senate, but the interests of the business men and manufacturers and farmers and workers and professional men of every kind and class. He would have insisted that the schedules should be turned wrong side out and every item of their contents subjected to the general scrutiny of all concerned. It is plain, also, that he would have insisted upon a currency system elastic, indeed, and suited to the varying circumstances of the money market in a great industrial and trading Nation, but absolutely fortified and secured against a central control, the influence of coteries, and leagues of banks to which it is now in constant danger of being subjected. He would have known that the currency question is not only an economic question but a political question, and that, above all things else, control must be in the hands of those who represent the general interest and not in the hands of those who represent the things we are seeking to guard against.

In the general field of business his thought would, of course, have gone about to establish freedom, to throw business opportunity open at every point to new men, to destroy the processes of monopoly, to exclude the poison of special favours, to see that, whether big or little, business was not dominated by anything but the law itself, and that that law was made in the interest of plain, unprivileged men everywhere.

Jefferson’s principles are sources of light because they are not made up of pure reason, but spring out of aspiration, impulse, vision, sympathy. They burn with the fervour of the heart; they wear the light of interpretation he sought to speak in, the authentic terms of honest, human ambition. And the law in his mind was the guardian of all legitimate ambition. It was the great umpire standing by to see that the game was honourably and fairly played in the spirit of generous rivalry and open the field free to every sportsmanlike contestant.

Constitutions are not inventions. They do not create our liberty. They are rooted in life, in fact, in circumstance, in environment. They are not the condition of our liberty but its expression. They result from our life; they do not create it. And so there beats in them always, if they live at all, this pulse of the large life of humanity. As they yield and answer to that they are perfected and exalted.

Indeed, the whole spirit of government is the spirit of men of every kind banded together in a generous combination seeking the common good. Nations are exalted, parties are made great as they partake of this aspiration and are permitted to see this vision of the Nation as a whole struggling toward a common ideal and a common hope.

We as Democrats are particularly bound at this season of expectation, and of confidence to remember that it is only in this spirit and with this vision that we can ever serve either the Nation or ourselves. As we approach the time when we are to pick out a President — for I believe that is to be our privilege — we should fix our thought on this one great fact, that no man is big enough or great enough to be President alone. He will be no stronger than his party. His strength will lie in the counsel of his comrades. His success will spring out of the union and energy and unselfish cooperation of his party, and his party must be more than half the Nation. It must include, and genuinely include, men of every class and race and disposition. If he be indeed the representative of his people, there may be vouchsafed to him through them something of the vision to conceive what Jefferson conceived and understood — how the vision may be carried into reality.

April 13, 1916

It is a spirit that we assemble to render honor to tonight, and the only way that we can render honor to a spirit is by showing that we are ourselves prepared to exemplify it. The immortality of Thomas Jeffer son does not lie in any one of his achievements, or in the series of his achievements, but in his attitude toward mankind and the conception which he sought to realize in action of the service allowed by America to the rest of the world.

One of the things that have seemed to me most to limit the usefulness of the Republican party has been its provincial spirit, and one of the things which has immortalized the influence of Thomas Jefferson has been that his was the spirit of humanity, exemplified upon the field of America. Thomas Jefferson was a great leader of men because he understood and interpreted the spirits of men. Some men can be led by their interests; all men can be led by their affections. Some men can be led by covetousness; all men can be led by their visions of the mind.

It is not a circumstance without significance that Jefferson felt, more than any other American of his time except Benjamin Franklin, his close kinship with like thinking spirits everywhere else in the civilized world. His comradeship was as intimate with the thinkers of France as with the frontiersman of America; and this rather awkward, rather diffident man carried about with him a sort of type of what all men should wish to be who loved liberty and sought to lead their fellow- men along those difficult paths of achievement.

The only way we can honor Thomas Jefferson is by illustrating his spirit and following his example. His example was an example of organization and concerted action for the rights of men, first in America and then by America’s example everywhere in the world. The thing that interested Jefferson is the only thing that ought to interest me. No American, who has caught the true historic enthusiasm of this great country that we love, can be proud of it merely because of its accumulated great material wealth and power. The pride comes in when we conceive how that power ought to be used.

As I have listened to some of the speeches tonight, the great feeling has come into my heart that we are better prepared than we ever were before to show how America can lead the way along the paths of light. Take the single matter of the financial statistics, of which we have only recently become precisely informed. The mere increase in the resources of the national banks of the country in the last twelve months exceeds the total resources of the Deutscher Reichsbank, and the aggregate resources of the national banks of the United States exceed by three thousand millions the aggregate resources of the Bank of England, the Bank of France, the Bank of Russia, the Reichsbank of Berlin, the Bank of Netherlands, the Bank of Switzerland, and the Bank of Japan.

Under the provincial conceptions of the Republican party this would have been impossible. Under the world conceptions of those of us who are proud to follow the tradition of Thomas Jefferson, it has been realized in fact, and the question we have to put to ourselves is this: “How are we going to use this power?”

There are only two theories of government. One that power should be centered in the control of trustees, who should determine the administration of all economic and political affairs. That is the theory of the Republican party. A carefully hand-picked body of trustees. The other theory is that of government by responsible and responsive servants of the great body of citizens, able to understand the common interests because in direct and sympathetic touch with the common desire and the common need. The peculiarity of those who think in the terms of trusteeship is that their thinking always squares with the preferences of the powerful, and never squares with the lessons of history.

I was talking one day with a gentleman who was expounding to me the very familiar idea that somebody (I dare say he would prefer to name the persons) should act as guardians and trustees for the people for the neighboring Republic of Mexico. I said: “I defy you to show a single example in history in which liberty and prosperity were ever handed down from above. Prosperity for the great masses of mankind has never sprung out of the soil of privilege. Prosperity for the great masses of mankind has never been created by the beneficence of privilege.

“Prosperity and right, prosperity and liberty, have never come by favor; they have always come by right. And the only competent expounders of rights are the men who covet the opportunity to exercise them. When I see the crust even so much as slightly broken over the heads of a population which has always been directed by a board of trustees, I make up my mind that I will thrust not only my arm but my heart in the aperture, and that only by crushing every ounce of power that I can use shall any man ever close that opening up again. Wherever we use our power we must use it with this conception always in mind, that we are using it for the benefit of the persons who are chiefly interested and not for our own benefit.”

So by such process and by such processes alone, can we illustrate and honor the spirit of Thomas Jeffer son. You cannot draw examples from the deeds of Thomas Jefferson, who presided over a little nation only just then struggling for recognition among the nations of the world, without material power, without the respect of foreign nations, without the opportunities of wealth, without the experiences of long periods of trial. There is no parallel in the circumstances of the time of Thomas Jefferson with the circumstances of the time in which we live; and my pride is that in the three years in which we have been privileged to serve this great and trustful people we have devoted ourselves to the constructive execution of the promises we so solemnly made.

Mr. Glass, with the pleasing modesty which has always characterized him, sought to show that his was not the statesmanlike mind that conceived one of the greatest achievements of the last three years; there is not going to be any quarrel as to where the credit be longs. The thing that is going to strike the imagination of the country is that the Democratic party, without picking out the men or discriminating the praise, produced the constructive statesmanship which the Republican party has not in long generations produced.

It has spent its time harking back to a single out worn economic error to which its intellectual armory apparently is limited, while we have gone forward in the spirit of a new age to conceive the methods by which the new necessity of civilization shall be met. We have conceived it in such spirit and in such method that for the first time since the Republican party and their predecessors destroyed the merchant marine of the United States we have turned the thoughts and the energies and the conquering genius of the businessmen of America to the great field of the business of the world at large. We have struck the trammels of provincialism away from them and they are beginning to see the great world in which their genius shall hence forth play the part that other nations have hitherto usurped and monopolized.

Frankly, I am not interested in personal ambitions. May I not admit even in this company that I am not enthusiastic over a mere party success? I like to see men take fire of great progressive ideas, and, banding themselves together like a body of thoughtful brothers, put their shoulders together and lift some part of the great load that has depressed humanity.

This country has not the time, it is not now in the temper, to listen to the violent, to the passionate, to the ambitious. This country demands service which is essentially and fundamentally non-partisan. Some gentlemen will learn this soon, some will learn it late, but they will all learn it so thoroughly that it will be digested. This country demands at this time as it never did before absolutely disinterested and non-partisan service.

And I do not now refer merely to foreign affairs, where everybody professes to be non-partisan. I refer just as much to domestic affairs, for in saying non-partisan I do not mean merely as between parties and political organizations, but also and more fundamentally as between classes and interests.

One of the things that it has been just as interesting to prove as anything else that we have proved in the last three years is that we are not partisans as against legitimate business, no matter how great; that we are not fighting anybody that is doing legitimate business, but we are fighting for everybody that wants to do legitimate business.

And we are not partisans as between the rich and the poor, as between the employer and the employee, but if it be possible we are partisans in our thinking, and would, if we could, draw them together to see the interests of the country in the same terms and express them in the same concerted purposes. Any man who fights for any class in the country is now fighting against the interests of America and the welfare of the world.

We are non-partisans as between interests, as between political ambitions, as between those who desire power and those who have it. For power will never again in America, if I know anything of its temper, long be intrusted to those who use it in their own behalf.

Are you ready for the test? God forbid that we should ever become directly or indirectly embroiled in quarrels not of our own choosing, and that do not affect what we feel responsible to defend; but if we should ever be drawn in, are you ready to go in only where the interests of America are coincident with the interests of mankind and to draw out the moment the interest centers in America and is narrowed from the wide circle of humanity? Are you ready for the test? Have you courage to go in? Have you the courage to come out according as the balance is disturbed or readjusted for the interest of humanity?

If you are heady, you have inherited the spirit of Jefferson, who recognized the men in France and the men in Germany, who were doing the liberal thinking of their day, and just as much citizens of the great world of liberty as he was himself, and who was ready in every conception he had to join hands across the water or across any other barrier with those who held those high conceptions of liberty which had brought the United States into existence. When we lose that sympathy we lose the titles of our own heritage. So long as we keep them we can go through the world with lifted head and with the consciousness of those who do not serve themselves except as they conceive that they have purified their hearts for the service of mankind. These are days that search men’s hearts.

These are days that discredit selfish speech; these are days that ought to quiet the ill-considered counsel. These are solemn days, when all the moral standards of mankind are to be fully tried out. And the responsibility is with us, — with us Democrats — because the power for the time being is ours to say whether America under our leadership shall hold these eternal balances even or shall let some malign influence depress one balance and lift the other, till we shall look around and say: ‘Who stands for the old visions of liberty and whose eyes are still open to those spiritual images conceived at our birth?”

President Warren Harding

October 19, 1921

But its genius for drawing close to the spirit of the times, for always contributing greatly to the leadership of great affairs, has been the abiding glory of William and Mary. The spirit of human liberty—of that liberty that dares to build, to experiment, to found new institutes of association and conduct—has always thrived here. Here, I think we may safely infer, where the campus was the common ground between the old State House and the college structures, is to be found the oldest inspiration of the State university system which has done so much for liberal and truly democratic education. Here came Jefferson, author of the immortal Declaration, to expand a medieval college into a modern university on lines as broad as his own concept of human rights; here he found an atmosphere in which to develop those noble sentiments of mankind's fraternity which enabled him, years after writing our own Declaration of Independence, to become one of the moral inspirations and intellectual counsellors of the French Revolution. Here Washington was granted a degree, and here he served as chancellor. From this institution were graduated three Presidents—Jefferson, Monroe, and Tyler. The great lawgiver of the young Republic, John Marshall, was another alumnus; and so was George Wythe, signer of the Declaration and preceptor to Marshall and Jefferson.

President Calvin Coolidge

August 10, 1927

Next to him will come Thomas Jefferson, whose wisdom insured that the Government which Washington had formed should be entrusted to the administration of the people. He emphasized the element of self-government which had been enshrined in American institutions in such a way as to demonstrate that it was practical and would be permanent. In him was likewise embodied the spirit of expansion. Recognizing the destiny of this Country, he added to its territory. By removing the possibility of any powerful opposition from a neighboring state, he gave new guaranties to the rule of the people.

1929

Washington was treated with the greatest reverence, and a high estimate was placed on the statesmanlike qualities and financial capacity of Hamilton, but Jefferson was not neglected. In spite of his many vagaries it was shown that in saving the nation from the danger of falling under the domination of an oligarchy, and in establishing a firm rule of the people which was forever to remain, he vindicated the soundness of our political institutions. The whole course was a thesis on good citizenship and good government. Those who took it came to a clearer comprehension not only of their rights and liberties but of their duties and responsibilities…

Yet the President exercises his authority in accordance with the Constitution and the law. He is truly the agent of the people, performing such functions as they have entrusted to him. The Constitution specifically vests him with the executive power. Some Presidents have seemed to interpret that as an authorization to take any action which the Constitution, or perhaps the law, does not specifically prohibit. Others have considered that their powers extended only to such acts as were specifically authorized by the Constitution and the statutes. This has always seemed to me to be a hypothetical question, which it would be idle to attempt to determine in advance. It would appear to be the better practice to wait to decide each question on its merits as it arises. Jefferson is said to have entertained the opinion that there was no constitutional warrant for enlarging the territory of the United States, but when the actual facts confronted him he did not hesitate to negotiate the Louisiana Purchase. For all ordinary occasions the specific powers assigned to the President will be found sufficient to provide for the welfare of the country. That is all he needs…

The practice which I followed in my relations with commissions and in the recognition of rank has been long established. President Jefferson seems to have entertained the opinion that even the Supreme Court should be influenced by his wishes and that failing in this a recalcitrant judge should be impeached by a complaisant Congress. This brought him into a sharp conflict with John Marshall, who resisted any encroachment upon the independence of the Court. In this controversy the position of Marshall has been vindicated. It is also said that at some of his official dinners President Jefferson left all his guests to the confusion of taking whatever seat they could find at his table. But this method did not survive the test of history. In spite of all his greatness, anyone who had as many ideas as Jefferson was bound to find that some of them would not work. But this does not detract from the wisdom of his faith in the people and his constant insistence that they be left to manage their own affairs. His opposition to bureaucracy will bear careful analysis, and the country could stand a great deal more of its application. The trouble with us is that we talk about Jefferson but do not follow him. In his theory that the people should manage their government, and not be managed by it, he was everlastingly right.

President Herbert Hoover

February 16, 1930

My dear Mr. Warburg:

I have your communication setting forth the suggestion that April 13th next, being the birthday of Thomas Jefferson and a Sunday, should be especially marked by proper celebration of the founding of religious freedom. It would seem to me to be a fitting and inspiring undertaking.

As you suggest that I should appoint a committee to undertake such celebration, it is my thought that the Board of Governors of the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation already comprises in its membership men and women of outstanding leadership in all directions of national thought, and that it would be desirable that they should undertake to bring the occasion to the attention of the American people and make such arrangements as would give it significance.

Yours faithfully,

HERBERT HOOVER

April 11, 1930

The noteworthy and most unusual coincidence that the religious holy days known as Palm Sunday and Passover both occur this year upon the birthday of Thomas Jefferson makes it indeed appropriate that the anniversary, on April thirteenth, is to be observed educationally and patriotically with special emphasis upon the founding of religious freedom. Jefferson's contribution, together with that of the other fathers of the Republic, to the famous Statute for Religious Freedom and his life-long championship of that principle decisively helped to fix it permanently in the national policy, with results beneficent beyond calculation. It is useful to recall these benefits and to renew their sanctions in the general conscience of mankind.

February 20, 1933

There will be aggregated here the most sacred documents of our history, the originals of the Declaration of Independence and of the Constitution of the United States. Here [National Archives Building] will be preserved all the other records that bind State to State and the hearts of all our people in an indissoluble union.

The romance of our history will have living habitation here in the writings of statesmen, soldiers, and all the others, both men and women, who have builded the great structure of our national life. This temple of our history will appropriately be one of the most beautiful buildings in America, an expression of the American soul. It will be one of the most durable, an expression of the American character.

Devoutly the Nation will pray that it may endure forever, the repository of records of yet more glorious progress in the life of our beloved country. I now lay the cornerstone of the Archives Building and dedicate it in the name of the people of the United States.

President Franklin D. Roosevelt

September 23, 1932

Another factor that tended to limit the power of those who ruled, was the rise of the ethical conception that a ruler bore a responsibility for the welfare of his subjects.

The American colonies were born in this struggle. The American Revolution was a turning point in it. After the Revolution the struggle continued and shaped itself in the public life of the country. There were those who because they had seen the confusion which attended the years of war for American independence surrendered to the belief that popular Government was essentially dangerous and essentially unworkable. They were honest people, my friends, and we cannot deny that their experience had warranted some measure of fear. The most brilliant, honest and able exponent of this point of view was Hamilton. He was too impatient of slow-moving methods. Fundamentally he believed that the safety of the republic lay in the autocratic strength of its Government, that the destiny of individuals was to serve that Government, and that fundamentally a great and strong group of central institutions, guided by a small group of able and public spirited citizens, could best direct all Government.

But Mr. Jefferson, in the summer of 1776, after drafting the Declaration of Independence turned his mind to the same problem and took a different view. He did not deceive himself with outward forms. Government to him was a means to an end, not an end in itself; it might be either a refuge and a help or a threat and a danger, depending on the circumstances. We find him carefully analyzing the society for which he was to organize a Government. "We have no paupers. The great mass of our population is of laborers, our rich who cannot live without labor, either manual or professional, being few and of moderate wealth. Most of the laboring class possess property, cultivate their own lands, have families and from the demand for their labor, are enabled to exact from the rich and the competent such prices as enable them to feed abundantly, clothe above mere decency, to labor moderately and raise their families." These people, he considered, had two sets of rights, those of "personal competency" and those involved in acquiring and possessing property. By "personal competency" he meant the right of free thinking, freedom of forming and expressing opinions, and freedom of personal living, each man according to his own lights. To insure the first set of rights, a Government must so order its functions as not to interfere with the individual. But even Jefferson realized that the exercise of the property rights might so interfere with the rights of the individual that the Government, without whose assistance the property rights could not exist, must intervene, not to destroy individualism, but to protect it.

You are familiar with the great political duel which followed; and how Hamilton, and his friends, building toward a dominant centralized power were at length defeated in the great election of 1800, by Mr. Jefferson's party. Out of that duel came the two parties, Republican and Democratic, as we know them today…

Faith in America, faith in our tradition of personal responsibility, faith in our institutions, faith in ourselves demand that we recognize the new terms of the old social contract. We shall fulfill them, as we fulfilled the obligation of the apparent Utopia which Jefferson imagined for us in 1776, and which Jefferson, Roosevelt and Wilson sought to bring to realization. We must do so, lest a rising tide of misery, engendered by our common failure, engulf us all. But failure is not an American habit; and in the strength of great hope we must all shoulder our common load.

November 18, 1933

It will interest you to know that in the year 1809 the President of the United States, Thomas Jefferson, wrote as follows to his Russian friend, Monsieur Dashkoff:

"Russia and the United States being in character and practice essentially pacific, a common interest in the rights of peaceable nations gives us a common cause in their maintenance."

And so in this spirit of Thomas Jefferson, Mr. Litvinov and I have believed that through the resumption of normal relations the prospects of peace over all the world are greatly strengthened.

October 20, 1934

Nearly two centuries ago it was to William and Mary College that Thomas Jefferson came in 1760. Here he studied for two years, remaining five years longer in Williamsburg to pursue the study of law. It was here in Williamsburg that he was admitted to the bar. It was to Williamsburg that he returned, first as a member of the House of Burgesses, then as Governor of Virginia, following Patrick Henry. He lived in the Governor's palace during his term and later served on the Board of Visitors of the college. It was largely the result of his recommendations, I am told, that the curriculum of the college was broadened to provide education in law, medicine, modern languages, mathematics and philosophy. No doubt inspired by his reflections on government, human liberty and the necessity of education, Jefferson throughout his life was' interested in designing a system of education for his State and for the Nation. I like to think of him, not only as a statesman, but as the enlightened father of American education.

And, strange as it may seem, I believe it is entirely fitting that a statesman should have also been an educator. As education grows it becomes, of necessity, a partner of government.

When Jefferson wrote his "Notes on Virginia," he discussed the education then prevailing at William and Mary, pointing out the essentially liberal education that this college was giving to its students. He observed that in order to provide a more advanced type of education, the subjects of the six professorships had been changed after the Revolutionary War. It is a matter of very great importance to all of us that one of the six was the professorship of law and of what is now called political science. The teaching of law and of the science of government thus established as an academic discipline in this institution was made significant by the intellectual leadership of George Wythe, who was appraised by Jefferson as "one of the greatest men of his age." The study of this subject, because essentially it touches every human impulse, every human problem, becomes one of the greatest means for the broad education of men who enter every walk of life. It can become the touchstone of universal culture.

October 6, 1935

In the formative days of the Republic the directing influence the Bible exercised upon the fathers of the Nation is conspicuously evident. To Washington it contained the sure and certain moral precepts that constituted the basis of his action. That which proceeded from it transcended all other books, however elevating their thought. To his astute mind moral and religious principles were the "indispensable supports" of political prosperity, the "essential pillars of civil society." Learned as Jefferson was in the best of the ancient philosophers, he turned to the Bible as the source of his higher thinking and reasoning. Speaking of the lofty teachings of the Master, he said: "He pushed His scrutinies into the heart of man; erected His tribunal in the region of his thoughts, and purified the waters at the fountain head." Beyond this he held that the Bible contained the noblest ethical system the world has known. His own compilation of the selected portions of this Book, in what is known as "Jefferson's Bible," bears evidence of the profound reverence in which he held it.

July 4, 1936

As my old friend, Carter Glass, has so well suggested, I have come here today to renew my homage to the sage of Monticello.

It was symbolic that Thomas Jefferson should live on this mountain-top of Monticello. On a mountain-top all paths unite. And Jefferson was the meeting point of all the vital forces of his day.

There are periods in history when one man seems great because those who stand beside him are small. Jefferson was great in the presence of many great and free men. When we read of the patriots of 1776 and the fathers of the Constitution, we are taken into the presence of men who caught the fire of greatness from one another, and who all became elevated above the common run of mankind.

The source of their greatness was the stirring of a new sense of freedom. They were tasting the first fruits of self-government and freedom of conscience. They had broken away from a system of peasantry, away from indentured servitude. They could build for themselves a new economic independence. Theirs were not the gods of things as they were, but the gods of things as they ought to be. And so, as Monticello itself so well proves, they used new means and new models to build new structures.

Of all the builders of those days it is perhaps generally conceded that Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson possessed what may be roughly described as the most fertile minds. Franklin was stranger to no science, to no theory of philosophy, to no avenue of invention. Jefferson had those qualities in equal part; and with greater opportunity in the days of peace which followed the Revolution, Jefferson was enabled more fully to carry theory into practice.

Farmer, lawyer, mechanic, scientist, architect, philosopher, statesman, he encompassed the full scope of the knowledge of his time; and his life was one of the richest diversity. To him knowledge and ideal were fuel to be used to feed the fires of his own mind, not just wood to be left neatly piled in the woodbox.

More than any historic home in America, Monticello appeals to me as an expression of the personality of its builder. In the design, not of the whole alone, but of every room, of every part of every room, in the very furnishings which Jefferson devised on his own drawing board and made in his own workshop, there speaks ready capacity for detail and, above all, creative genius.

He was a great gentleman. He was a great commoner. The two are not incompatible.

He applied the culture of the past to the needs and the life of the America of his day. His knowledge of history spurred him to inquire into the reason and justice of laws, habits and institutions. His passion for liberty led him to interpret and adapt them in order to better the lot of mankind.

Shortly before taking the office of President he wrote to a friend, "I have sworn on the Altar of God eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man." His life served that consecration. Constantly he labored to enlarge the freedom of the human mind and to destroy the bondage imposed on it by ignorance, poverty and political and religious intolerance.

On one day of his long life he gave to the world a Declaration of 'Independence on behalf of political freedom for himself and his fellow Americans. But his Declaration of Independence for the human mind was a continuing achievement, renewed and reiterated every day of his whole life.

One hundred and sixty years have passed since the Fourth of July, 1776. On that day, Thomas Jefferson was thirty-three years old. His imagination, his enthusiasm and his energy, the qualities that youth offers in every generation, were symbolic of that generation of men, who not only made a Nation in the wealth of their imagination and energy, but, because their youthful wings had not been clipped, were able to grow with the Nation and guide it in wisdom throughout their lives.

Through all the intervening years, America has lived and grown under the system of government established by Jefferson and his generation. As Nations go, we live under one of the oldest continuous forms of democratic government in the whole world. In that sense we are old.

But the world has never had as much human ability as it needs; and a modern democracy in particular needs, above all things, the continuance of the spirit of youth. Our problems of 1936 call as greatly for the continuation of imagination and energy and capacity for responsibility as did the age of Thomas Jefferson and his fellows.

Democracy needs now, as it found then, men developed, through education, to the limit of their capacity for ultimate responsibility. Emergencies and decisions in our individual and community and national lives are the stuff out of which national character is made. Preparation of the mind, preparation of the spirit of our people for such emergencies, for such decisions, is the best available insurance for the security and development of our democratic institutions.

Was the spirit of such men as Jefferson the spirit of a Golden Age gone now, and never to be repeated in our history? Was the feeling of fundamental freedom which lighted the fire of their ability a miracle we shall never see again?

That is not my belief. It is not beyond our power to re-light that sacred fire. There are no limitations upon the Nation's capacity to obtain and maintain true freedom, no limitations except the strength of our Nation's desire and determination.

On the hillside below where we stand is the tomb of Thomas Jefferson. He was given many high offices in State and Nation. But the words recorded above his grave, chosen by himself, are only these:

"HERE WAS BURIED THOMAS JEFFERSON, AUTHOR OF THE DECLARATION OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, OF THE STATUTE OF VIRGINIA FOR RELIGIOUS FREEDOM, AND FATHER OF THE UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA."

The honors which other men had given him were unimportant; the opportunities he had given to other men to become free were all that really counted.

October 14, 1936

Because we cherished our system of private property and free enterprise and were determined to preserve it as the foundation of Our traditional American system, we recalled the warning of Thomas Jefferson that "widespread poverty and concentrated wealth cannot long endure side by side in a democracy."

Our job was to preserve the American ideal of economic as well as political democracy, against the abuse of concentration of economic power that had been insidiously growing up among us in the past fifty years, particularly during the twelve years of preceding Administrations. Free economic enterprise was being weeded out at an alarming pace.

August 18, 1937

It was this policy which came into the open in the Constitutional Convention of 1787; for in that Convention there were some who wanted a King, there were some who wanted to create titles, and there were many, like Alexander Hamilton, who sincerely believed that suffrage and the right to hold office should be confined to persons of property and persons of education. We know, however, that although this school persisted, with the assistance of the newspapers of the day, during the first three National Administrations, it was eliminated for many years at least under the leadership of President Thomas Jefferson and his successors. His was the first great battle for the preservation of democracy. His was the first great victory for American democracy.

In the half century that followed there was constant war between those who, like Andrew Jackson, believed in a democracy conducted by and for a complete cross-section of the population, and those who, like the Directors of the Bank of the United States and their friends in the United States Senate, believed in the conduct of government by a self-perpetuating group at the top of the ladder. That this was the clear line of demarcation-the fundamental difference of opinion in regard to American institutions- is proved by an amazingly interesting letter which Lord Macaulay wrote in 1857 to an American friend.

This friend of his had written a book about Thomas Jefferson. Macaulay said "You are surprised to learn that I have not a high opinion of Mr. Jefferson and I am surprised at your surprise. I am certain that I never wrote a line and that I have never . . . uttered a word indicating an opinion that the supreme authority in a state ought to be entrusted to the majority of citizens told by the head; in other words, to the poorest and most ignorant part of society."

Macaulay, in other words, was opposed to what we call "popular government." He went on to say, "I have long been convinced that institutions purely democratic must, sooner or later, destroy liberty, or civilization, or both."

March 21, 1938

Whereas Thomas Jefferson, author of the Declaration of Independence and third President of the United States, was the advocate of great causes and high ideals of human freedom—principles adopted as fundamental by the American people; and

Whereas Thomas Jefferson as lawyer, statesman, philosopher, scientist, farmer, and architect lived a life of such rich diversity that it encompassed the full scope of the knowledge of his time, and—of happy significance to his country—knew how to carry theory into practice, and from youth to a fine old age exemplified in all of his work the principle that the true evidence of life is growth; and

Whereas Public Resolution No. 60, 75th Congress, approved August 16, 1937, provides:

That the President of the United States of America is authorized and directed to issue a proclamation calling upon officials of the Government to display the flag of the United States on all Government buildings on April 13 of each year, and inviting the people of the United States to observe the day in schools and churches, or other suitable places, with appropriate ceremonies in commemoration of the birth of Thomas Jefferson:

Now, Therefore, I, Franklin D. Roosevelt, President of the United States of America, do hereby call upon officials of the Government to display the flag of the United States on all Government buildings on April 13, 1938, and on April 13 of each succeeding year, and do invite the people of the United States to observe the day in schools, churches, and other suitable places, with appropriate ceremonies in commemoration of the birth of Thomas Jefferson.

November 18, 1938

Now, of course, the facts are very simple. For a long time, dating back to when I was in the Navy Department, I thought it was a sort of funny thing that one of our three greatest Presidents had no memorial in the National Capital—practically no memorial of any kind. In the Wilson Administration there were a good many attempts made to get a memorial to Thomas Jefferson. Every time that a memorial was suggested, it was a strange thing that while quite a lot of people backed some memorial—they would not admit they did not like a memorial to Thomas Jefferson-they did not like the particular one suggested. So the thing failed.

When the Democratic Administration came back in 1933, we all decided we ought to have a memorial for Thomas Jefferson. As you know, of course, the thing hung fire in Congress, and there were a lot of reports and so on and so forth. Finally it came down to a question of site; and there were four different sites proposed for a straight memorial. Out of the four, finally, by action of the Legislature, this particular site was picked. It is too late to change that site. There is going to be a memorial to Thomas Jefferson in accordance with the action of Congress on that site.

Then, number two, there was the question of the type of memorial which divides itself in two parts: First, should it be utilitarian? Well, that was all discussed. Should it be a stadium or a municipal hall or a race track?—somebody suggested a race track (laughter) and it was decided again, after complete discussion lasting about four or five years, that it should be a non-utilitarian memorial. So that was all gone into.

That decision having been taken, it became a question of what kind of non-utilitarian memorial it should be. There were two or three plans suggested. The first cost too much; and of course there was no unanimity of opinion in regard to the design—there never is. But the constituted legal authorities decided on a design; and that design is about to be carried out at a cost of somewhere around three million dollars.

Then, all of a sudden, a newspaper campaign! We have seen them before, we know what they are, the public does. They thought it would be good advertising to talk about the cherry trees. Well, I don't suppose there is anybody in the world who loves trees quite as much as I do, but I recognize that a cherry tree does not live forever. It is what is called a short-lived tree; and there are forty or fifty cherry trees that die, or fall down, or get flooded out, or have to be replaced. It is a short-lived tree and we ought to have, in addition to the 1,700 trees we have today, I think another thousand cherry trees. There are lots of places to put another thousand trees. Let us plant 2,700 trees instead of 1,700.

Actually, according to the records, this particular operation will result in a net loss of eighty-eight of the present cherry trees; and of course that net loss will be made up, not only those eighty-eight, as I hope, but 912 others.

So you see what a flim-flam game this has been.

A Jefferson Memorial, so far as hotel keepers are concerned-well, I am just a hick from Dutchess County, a Democratic hick, and when I go back to Dutchess County I think it would be quite a magnet to me to come back to Washington, as a tourist, to see this new Jefferson Memorial, with another thousand cherry trees down around that Basin.

December 15, 1938

Nearly a hundred years ago, the Congress of the United States, in response to a general public demand, undertook to provide a memorial in the Nation's Capital to the first President of the United States, George Washington. There followed many years of controversy both as to the type of memorial and as to its location. The Washington Monument emerged as the result of Congressional action.

Half a century ago, again in response to public demand, the Congress began the consideration of a monument to the memory of Abraham Lincoln, the preserver of the Union. Years went by and a distinguished committee, following the broad objectives of the original plan for the development of the National Capital, recommended the creation of two broad axes in the general form of a cross—one axis from the Capitol through the Mall past the Washington Monument to the river bank, and the other axis from the White House past the Washington Monument to another point near the river.

In line with this well considered plan, the Congress erected the Lincoln Memorial at the end of the longer axis and it was then the clear intention both of the Congress and of the many planning committees and commissions who studied the subject to complete the other axis from the White House to the river by the erection of a public monument at the fourth corner of the cross.

For far more than fifty years, Thomas Jefferson, the third President of the United States, has been recognized by our citizens not only for the outstanding part which he took in the drafting of the Declaration of Independence itself, not only for his authorship of the Virginia statute for religious freedom, but also for the services he rendered in establishing the practical operation of the American Government as a democracy and not as an autocracy.

For very many years, it has seemed appropriate that with Washington and Lincoln, his services should be held in memory by the erection of a monument of equal dignity. We are breaking ground, today, for such a memorial. The Congress of the United States, through a distinguished Commission, has, after long consideration, chosen this site and made the first appropriations for the creation of the Thomas Jefferson Memorial.

In the days to come, the millions of American citizens who each year visit the National Capital will have a sense of gratitude that at last an adequate permanent National Memorial to Thomas Jefferson has been placed at this beautiful spot because as the Joint Resolution of the Congress says: "The American people feel a deep debt of gratitude to Thomas Jefferson" and "honor the services rendered by him."

November 15, 1939

This is the second occasion on which I have had the privilege of coming in an official capacity to this site; and I hope that by January in 1941, I shall be able to come to the final dedication of the Memorial itself.

In the earliest days of the Republic under the Constitution, the representatives of the several States of the Union were in substantial agreement that a national capital should be founded in a Federal district set apart from the jurisdiction of any individual State. That purpose was, in a true sense, a symbol of a realization of national unity; and the final location of the national capital in this place proclaimed a proper compromise between the interest of the North, the South, the seaboard and the interior, as they existed at that time.

In all of the hundred and fifty years of our existence as a constitutional nation, many memorials to its civil and military chiefs have been set up in the National Capital. But it has been reserved to two of those leaders to receive special tribute in the nation's capital by the erection of national shrines perpetuating their memories, over and above the appreciation and the regard tendered to other great citizens of the Republic.

Today we lay the cornerstone of a third great shrine—adding the name of Thomas Jefferson to the names of George Washington and Abraham Lincoln.

I have spoken of the national character of the District of Columbia itself, a capital which represents today the vitality, not of thirteen Atlantic seaboard States, but of forty-eight States which encompass the whole width of the continent.

This vitality envisages many-sided interests; and it is therefore fitting that among hundreds of monuments to famous Americans the three great shrines are dedicated to men of many-sided qualities.

Washington represented abilities recognized in every part of the young nation and, indeed, in every part of the civilized world of his day; for he was not only a great military leader, not only a great moderator in bringing together discordant elements in the formation of a constitutional nation, not only a great executive' of that nation in its troublesome early years, but also a man of vision and accomplishments in private civil fields-talented engineer and surveyor, planner of highways and canals, patron of husbandry, friend of scientists and fellow of political thinkers.

Lincoln, too, was a many-sided man. Pioneer of the wilderness, counsel for the under-privileged, soldier in an Indian war, master of the English tongue, rallying point for a torn nation, emancipator—not of slaves alone, but of those of heavy heart everywhere—foe of malice, and teacher of good-will.

To those we add today another American of many parts-not Jefferson the founder of a party, but the Jefferson whose influence is felt today in many of the current activities of mankind.

When in the year of 1939 America speaks of its Bill of Rights, we think of the author of the Statute for religious liberty in Virginia.

When today Americans celebrate the anniversary of the Fourth of July 1776, our minds revert to Jefferson, author of the Declaration of Independence.

And when each spring we take part in commencement exercises of schools and universities, we go back to the days of Jefferson, founder of the University of Virginia.

When we think of his older contemporary, Benjamin Franklin, as the experimenter in physics, we remember that Jefferson was an inventor of numerous small devices to make human life simpler and happier, and that he, too, experimented in the biology of live stock and of agriculture.

In the current era in the erection of noble buildings in all parts of the country we recognize the enormous influence of Jefferson in the American application of classic art to homes and public buildings—an influence that makes itself felt today in the selection of the design for this very shrine for which we are laying the cornerstone.

But it was in the field of political philosophy that Jefferson's significance is transcendent.

He lived, as we live, in the midst of a struggle between rule by the self-chosen individual or the self-appointed few and rule by the franchise and approval of the many. He believed, as we do, that the average opinion of mankind is in the long run superior to the dictates of the self-chosen.

During all the years that have followed Thomas Jefferson, the United States has expanded his philosophy into a greater achievement of security of the nation, security of the individual and national unity, than in any other part of the world.

It may be that the conflict between the two forms of philosophy will continue for centuries to come; but we in the United States are more than ever satisfied with the republican form of Government based on regularly recurring opportunities to our citizens to choose their leaders for themselves.

Therefore, in memory of the many-sided Thomas Jefferson and in honor of the ever-present vitality of his type of Americanism, we lay the cornerstone of this shrine.

September 20, 1940

With the gaining of our political freedom you will remember that there came a conflict between the point of view of Alexander Hamilton, sincerely believing in the superiority of Government by a small group of public-spirited and usually wealthy citizens, and, on the other hand, the point of view of Thomas Jefferson, an advocate of Government by representatives chosen by all the people, an advocate of the universal right of free thought, free personal living, free religion, free expression of opinion and, above all, the right of free universal suffrage.

Many of the Jeffersonian school of thought were frank to admit the high motives and disinterestedness of Hamilton and his school. Many Americans of those days were willing to concede that if Government could be guaranteed to be kept always on the high level of unselfish service suggested by the Hamiltonians there would be nothing to fear. For the very basis of the Hamiltonian philosophy was that through a system of elections every four years, limited to the votes of the most highly educated and the most successful citizens, the best of those qualified to govern could always be selected.

It was, however, with rare perspicuity, as time has shown, that Jefferson pointed out that, on the doctrine of sheer human frailty, the Hamilton theory was bound to develop, in the long run, into Government by selfishness or Government for personal gain or Government by class, that would ultimately lead to the abolishment of free elections. For he recognized that it was our system of free unhampered elections which was the surest guaranty of popular Government. Just so long as the voters of the Nation, regardless of higher education or property possessions, were free to exercise their choice in the polling place without hindrance, the country would have no cause to fear the head of tyranny…

You and I know the subsequent history of Germany. The right of free elections and the free choice of heads of Government were suddenly wiped out by a new regime, still professing the same purity of purpose. It is a travesty on fact to claim that there is any free choice of public officials in Germany today, or that there ever has been one since 1933.

What Jefferson prophesied might happen in this country, if the philosophy of the restricted vote and of Government by special class were adopted, did actually happen in Germany before our very eyes.

Many years ago, speaking in San Francisco, I pointed out that new conditions imposed new requirements upon Government and upon those who conducted Government. As Jefferson wrote a long time ago: "I know also that laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind. . . . As new discoveries are made, new truths disclosed, and manners and opinions change with the change of circumstances, institutions must advance also, and keep pace with the times."

We must follow that rule today as readily as then, always with the condition that any change in institutions or in economic methods must remain within the same old framework of a freely 'elected democratic form of Government.

May 4, 1942

There is a message that I wish every delegate to the fifty-first continental congress of the Daughters of the American Revolution would carry home with her, carry home to her townsmen, her friends, her neighbors. It is in the words of Thomas Jefferson. One hundred and thirty-three years ago Jefferson wrote:

"The times do certainly render it incumbent on all good citizens, attached to the rights and honor of their country, to bury in oblivion all internal differences and rally around the standard of their country."

April 13, 1943

Today, in the midst of a great war for freedom, we dedicate a shrine to freedom.

To Thomas Jefferson, Apostle of Freedom, we are paying a debt long overdue.

Yet, there are reasons for gratitude that this occasion falls within our time; for our generation of Americans can understand much in Jefferson's life which intervening generations could not see as well as we.

He faced the fact that men who will not fight for liberty can lose it. We, too, have faced that fact.

He lived in a world in which freedom of conscience and freedom of mind were battles still to be fought through—not principles already accepted of all men. We, too, have lived in such a world.

He loved peace and loved liberty—yet on more than one occasion he was forced to choose between them. We, too, have been compelled to make that choice.

Generations which understand each other across the distances of history are the generations united by a common experience and a common cause. Jefferson, across a hundred and fifty years of time, is closer by much to living men than many of our leaders of the years between. His cause was a cause to which we also are committed, not by our words alone but by our sacrifice.

For faith and ideals imply renunciations. Spiritual advancement throughout all our history has called for temporal sacrifices.

The Declaration of Independence and the very purposes of the American Revolution itself, while seeking freedoms, called for the abandonment of privileges.

Jefferson was no dreamer-for half a century he led his State and his Nation in fact and in deed. I like to think that this was so because he thought in terms of the morrow as well as the day—and this was why he was hated or feared by those who thought in terms of the day and the yesterday.

We judge him by the application of his philosophy to the circumstances of his life. But in such applying we come to understand that his life was given for those deeper values that persist throughout all time.

Leader in the philosophy of government, in education, in the arts, in efforts to lighten the toil of mankind—exponent of planning for the future, he led the steps of America into the path of the permanent integrity of the Republic.

Thomas Jefferson believed, as we believe, in Man. He believed, as we believe, that men are capable of their own government, and that no king, no tyrant, no dictator can govern for them as well as they can govern for themselves.

He believed, as we believe, in certain inalienable rights. He, as we, saw those principles and freedoms challenged. He fought for them, as we fight for them.

He proved that the seeming eclipse of liberty can well become the dawn of more liberty. Those who fight the tyranny of our own time will come to learn that old lesson. Among all the peoples of the earth, the cruelties and the oppressions of its would-be masters have taught this generation what its liberties can mean. This lesson, so bitterly learned, will never be forgotten while this generation is still alive.

The words which we have chosen for this Memorial speak Jefferson's noblest and most urgent meaning; and we are proud indeed to understand it and share it:

"I have sworn upon the altar of God, eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man."

[Jefferson Memorial was held on Jefferson's birthday. The entire ceremony, including the President's address, lasted fifteen minutes and was staged with the simplicity which Jefferson himself would have liked.]

April 13, 1945

[President Franklin D. Roosevelt had prepared this address for delivery on Jefferson Day, 1945, in which he set forth the hopes of humanity for enduring peace. The President died the day before this Jefferson Day speech below was to have been delivered.]

Americans are gathered together this evening in communities all over the country to pay tribute to the living memory of Thomas Jefferson-one of the greatest of all democrats; and I want to make it clear that I am spelling that word "democrats" with a small d.

I wish I had the power, just for this evening, to be present at all of these gatherings.

In this historic year, more than ever before, we do well to consider the character of Thomas Jefferson as an American citizen of the world.

As Minister to France, then as our first Secretary of State and as our third President, Jefferson was instrumental in the establishment of the United States as a vital factor in international affairs.

It was he who first sent our Navy into far-distant waters to defend our rights. And the promulgation of the Monroe Doctrine was the logical development of Jefferson's far-seeing foreign policy.

Today this Nation which Jefferson helped so greatly to build is playing a tremendous part in the battle for the rights of man all over the world.

Today we are part of the vast Allied force—a force composed of flesh and blood and steel and spirit—which is today destroying the makers of war, the breeders of hatred, in Europe and in Asia.

In Jefferson's time our Navy consisted of only a handful of frigates headed by the gallant U.S.S. Constitution—Old Ironsides—but that tiny Navy taught Nations across the Atlantic that piracy in the Mediterranean—acts of aggression against peaceful commerce and the enslavement of their crews—was one of those things which, among neighbors, simply was not done.

Today we have learned in the agony of war that great power involves great responsibility. Today we can no more escape the consequences of German and Japanese aggression than could we avoid the consequences of attacks by the Barbary Corsairs a century and a half before.

We, as Americans, do not choose to deny our responsibility.

Nor do we intend to abandon our determination that, within the lives of our children and our children's children, there will not be a third world war.

We seek peace—enduring peace. More than an end to war, we want an end to the beginnings of all wars—yes, an end to this brutal, inhuman, and thoroughly impractical method of settling the differences between governments.

The once powerful, malignant Nazi state is crumbling. The Japanese war lords are receiving, in their own homeland, the retribution for which they asked when they attacked Pearl Harbor.

But the mere conquest of our enemies is not enough.

We must go on to do all in our power to conquer the doubts and the fears, the ignorance and the greed, which made this horror possible.

Thomas Jefferson, himself a distinguished scientist, once spoke of "the brotherly spirit of Science, which unites into one family all its votaries of whatever grade, and however widely dispersed throughout the different quarters of the globe."

Today, science has brought all the different quarters of the globe so close together that it is impossible to isolate them one from another.

Today we are faced with the preeminent fact that, if civilization is to survive, we must cultivate the science of human relationships—the ability of all peoples, of all kinds, to live together and work together, in the same world, at peace.

Let me assure you that my hand is the steadier for the work that is to be done, that I move more firmly into the task, knowing that you—millions and millions of you—are joined with me in the resolve to make this work endure.

The work, my friends, is peace. More than an end of this war —an end to the beginnings of all wars. Yes, an end, forever, to this impractical, unrealistic settlement of the differences between governments by the mass killing of peoples.

Today, as we move against the terrible scourge of war—as we go forward toward the greatest contribution that any generation of human beings can make in this world- the contribution of lasting peace, I ask you to keep up your faith. I measure the sound, solid achievement that can be made at this time by the straight edge of your own confidence and your resolve. And to you, and to all Americans who dedicate themselves with us to the making of an abiding peace, I say:

The only limit to our realization of tomorrow will be our doubts of today. Let us move forward with strong and active faith.

President Harry S. Truman

April 5, 1947

Our meeting together this evening carries forward an old party custom. In this annual tribute to the memory of Thomas Jefferson, we, who are members of the party he founded--the Democratic Party--take great pride and feel deep satisfaction.

We know that as long as we remain free, the spirit of Thomas Jefferson lives in America. His spirit is the spirit of freedom. We are heartened by the knowledge that the light he kindled a century and a half ago shines today, in the United States. It shines even more strongly and steadily than in his time. What was then an untried faith is now a living reality.

But we know that no class, no party, no nation, has a monopoly on Jefferson's principles- Out of the silence of oppressed peoples, out of the despair of those who have lost freedom, there comes to us an expression of longing. Repeated again and again, in many tongues, from many directions, it is a plea of men, women, and children for the freedom that Thomas Jefferson proclaimed as an inalienable right.

When we hear the cry for freedom arising from the shores beyond our own, we can take heart from the words of Thomas Jefferson. In his letter to President Monroe, urging the adoption of what we now know as the Monroe Doctrine, he wrote:

"Nor is the occasion to be slighted which this proposition offers of declaring our protest against the atrocious violations of the rights of nations by the interference of any one in the internal affairs of another."

We, like Jefferson, have witnessed atrocious violations of the rights of nations.

We, too, have regarded them as occasions not to be slighted.

We, too, have declared our protest.

We must make that protest effective by aiding those peoples whose freedoms are endangered by foreign pressures.

We must take a positive stand. It is no longer enough merely to say "we don't want war." We must act in time--ahead of time--to stamp out the smoldering beginnings of any conflict that may threaten to spread over the world.

We know how the fire starts. We have seen it before--aggression by the strong against the weak, openly by the use of armed force and secretly by infiltration. We know how the fire spreads. And we know how it ends.

Let us not underestimate the task before us. The burden of our responsibility today is greater, even considering the size and resources of our expanded Nation, than it was in the time of Jefferson and Monroe. For the peril to man's freedom that existed then exists now on a much smaller earth--an earth whose broad oceans have shrunk and whose natural protections have been taken away by new weapons of destruction.

What is the responsibility that we must assume ?

Our responsibility is to stand guard before the edifice of lasting peace which, after so long a time, is at last being built.

That edifice is the United Nations.

The function of the United Nations is to quench the flames wherever they may break out; to watch throughout the world and extinguish every spark that comes from a difference between governments; to do this, if possible, through the machinery of peaceful arbitration, but to do it in any case. This is so, even if armed conflict must be prevented by the use of an international police force.

We believe that formula is sound and workable. Our faith in it is strong and resolute. The United Nations is man's hope of putting out, and keeping out, the fires of war for all time. In supporting the United Nations we must, when necessary, supplement its activities. By aiding free nations to maintain their freedom we strengthen the United Nations in the performance of its functions.

The foreign policy of this country transcends in importance any other question confronting us. It would be fatal if it were to become the subject of narrow political consideration.

Our foreign policy must not be wrecked on the rocks of partisanship.

United support of a policy that serves the interests of the Nation as a whole must be our aim.

I wish to commend the efforts of those members of both parties who have worked, side by side, to achieve this goal.

To meet the responsibilities placed upon us today this Nation must be strong. A strong United States means a country that maintains a military power commensurate with its responsibilities. It means a country of sound domestic economy. It means a country that holds its place in the forefront of industrial production and continues its leadership in creating the techniques of abundance. It means, most of all, a strong, united, confident people, clear in the knowledge of their country's destiny, unshaken and unshakable in their resolve to live in a world of free peoples at peace.

No matter how great our military potential may be, military potential alone is not enough. It is necessary that we maintain sufficient military strength to convince the world that we intend to meet our responsibilities.

Now, what of our domestic economy? How strong are we at home?

As we appraise our domestic scene--our mighty array of factories, mines, farms, producing at or near capacity, and with employment at an all time high--our doubts, if we had any, are put at rest. We are viewing a panorama of prosperity--such prosperity as no generation of Americans before us ever experienced.

You may recall hearing dire predictions, in the last year and a half--predictions that the United States was heading into an economic crackup, predictions of glutted markets, of a great deflationary plunge. It is significant that the most pessimistic cries of calamity came from men who had little confidence in our American system of free enterprise.

They were wrong in their predictions. They were wrong because they do not understand the strength of our system of free competitive enterprise. Under that system, each man is free to go where he likes, to follow the calling of his choice, and to be rewarded in proportion to the productivity of the effort or the property he contributes. Insofar as we insure that each individual has the opportunity and inducement to make the largest contribution he can to this country's total production, we not only strengthen our Nation against any possible encroachments, but we also set an example to all other peoples of the desirability of free government in the economic as well as the political sense.

Our country's financial stamina was tested in the recent war as it had never been tested before. But in spite of the tremendous cost of the war, we emerged with our financial leadership in the economic world greater than ever before. Beyond making our best effort to eliminate waste in the conduct of the war, the cost of the war was not a matter within our power to control. We emerged bearing a burden of debt, representing that cost, and what we do with that burden is a question of tremendous import, but fortunately it is a question that we have the power to decide for ourselves.

The first decision that we made was to reduce Federal Government spending as quickly as possible.

The extent of retrenchments by the Government is shown by the record.

In the fiscal year 1945 the Federal Government spent $100 billion. In 1946 we cut expenditures to $64 billion. In 1947 we have further reduced expenditures to an estimated figure of $42 billion. The budget for the next fiscal year, which I have sent to the Congress, totals $37.5 billion.

Not only have we greatly reduced expenditures, but we have made tremendous progress toward the elimination of deficits.

In the fiscal year 1945, the Federal Government had a deficit of over $53 billion. In the fiscal year 1946 it was in the red about $21 billion. But now we have worked our way into the black, and I am happy to be able to say tonight that for the present fiscal year 1947 we shall balance the budget and we shall have a surplus. That was done without any Republican help!

I am determined that stringent economy shall govern all peacetime operations of the Government.

When the several departments and agencies were called upon, a few months ago, to submit their requests for funds for the coming fiscal year, they were told of my determination.

They responded by eliminating many of their former activities. This was not enough. When the estimates were in, I went over them, making further substantial reductions. When I finished, these department estimates had been reduced by a total of some $7 billion under their original level.

I was warned by some that I was going too far. I was aware of the risk. But I was aware, too, of the greater risk of a weakened postwar financial structure. I knew that in the public interest, sacrifices of some Government services had to be made.

The result was a budget of $37.5 billion. That figure marked the borderline beyond which we could not reduce the activities of our Government without entering the area of false economy. In other words, further so-called "economies" would not have been economies at all. They would merely have meant curtailment of services that would cost our taxpayers--all taxpayers--more than the reduction in cost that appeared on the surface.

You, my fellow citizens, are properly cautious of false economy in your daily lives. If the foundation of your house needs repair, or if the roof leaks, you know that you are wasting money, not saving it, by failing to make that repair.

So with Government. If we abandon our work of reclamation, of soil conservation, of preserving our forests, of developing our water resources, we are wasting money, not saving it. If we cease our vigilance along the borders of our country and at our ports of entry, we are wasting money, not saving it. If we falsely economize by reducing the staff of men and women who audit tax returns, or who increase the country's productivity by settling labor disputes, we are wasting money, not saving it. If we cut down the effectiveness of our Armed Forces, we run the risk of wasting both money and lives.

Any substantial reduction of the 1948 Federal budget, as submitted to the Congress, must be clearly understood by the American people as a venture into false economy. To the extent that we countenance any such reduction, we shall weaken our own house by our refusal to keep it in basic repair. At best, this is poor judgment. At worst, it is an invitation to disaster.

The second decision we must make, affecting the strength and health of our economy, concerns the public debt. We must resolve to begin the long process of reducing that debt, which represents a large part of the cost of winning World War II. That debt amounts to almost $2,000 for every man, woman, and child in the United States.

In deciding whether we shall start substantial payment on the debt, or whether we shall reduce taxes instead, we are deciding a question which will affect the future of every one of us. Our decision will affect the number of jobs in the future, the wages men and women will earn, what those wages will buy, and how much our savings, our insurance, and our bonds will be worth.

We, as a Nation, are now having prosperous years. This is the time when we must start paying off the debt in earnest. When a man is earning good wages, and at the same time owes a lot of money, he is wise if he uses his excess income to pay off his debts. He would be shortsighted if he cut his income just because he was not spending it all at the moment. When the people, through their Government, owe a lot of money--as we do today--it is the course of wisdom to make payment on our debt. It would be extremely shortsighted to cut down the Federal revenue without making a real effort toward debt reduction.

I recognize, frankly, that the present burden of taxation on our people is too heavy to be considered as permanent, and at a proper time I will support tax reduction and tax readjustment designed to reduce the burden and to adjust that burden to the needs of a peacetime economy.

In further evaluating the strength of our domestic economy, I must express to you my deep concern over the level of prices prevailing today. A system of free enterprise does not automatically work out its own adjustments without our giving thought to the process.

The main factor that can weaken our economy at this time is our own selfishness-the kind of selfishness which is now expressed in the form of unnecessarily high prices for many commodities and for many manufactured articles. These prices must be brought down if our entire economy is not to suffer.

With the exception of a very few items, all price controls have been removed. But freedom from such controls, like other freedoms, cannot be abused with impunity. A profound moral responsibility rests upon those citizens whose decisions have widespread effect on our markets--to put it simply, the responsibility of playing fair, of not going whole hog for profits. The alternative is inflation, industry priced out of the market and, eventually, men priced out of their jobs.

The world today looks to us for leadership.

The force of events makes it necessary that we assume that role.

This is a critical period of our national life. The process of adapting ourselves to the new concept of our world responsibility is naturally a difficult and painful one. The cost is necessarily great.

It is not our nature to shirk our obligations. We have a heritage that constitutes the greatest resource of this Nation. I call it the spirit and character of the American people.

We are the people who gave the world George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, Abraham Lincoln, Woodrow Wilson, and Franklin D. Roosevelt.

We are a people who not only cherish freedom and defend it, if need be with our lives, but we also recognize the right of other men and other nations to share it.

While the struggle for the rights of man goes forward in other parts of the world, the free people of America cannot look on with easy detachment, with indifference to the outcome.

In our effort to make permanent the peace of the world, we have much to preserve-much to improve--and much to pioneer.

As we strive to reach the fulfillment of our quest we will do well to recall the words of Thomas Jefferson:

"I have sworn, upon the altar of God, eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man."

July 4, 1947

I certainly appreciate that warm welcome extended to me by the Governor of Virginia most highly, and I appreciate the courtesies which have been extended to me since I have been here. Virginia is always courteous to her guests.

It is fitting that we should come to Monticello to celebrate the anniversary of our independence. Here lived Thomas Jefferson, author of the Declaration of Independence. Here Thomas Jefferson died on July 4, 1826, 50 years from the day the Declaration was adopted by the Continental Congress and proclaimed to the world.

The Declaration of Independence was an expression of democratic philosophy that sustained American patriots during the Revolution and has ever since inspired men to fight to the death for their "unalienable Rights."

The standard phrase used by writers of Jefferson's day to describe man's essential rights was "life, liberty and property." But to Jefferson, human rights were more important than property rights, and the phrase, as he wrote it in the Declaration of Independence, became "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."

The laws and the traditions of the colonies in 1776 were designed to support a monarchial system rather than a democratic society. To Thomas Jefferson the American Revolution was far more than a struggle for independence. It was a struggle for democracy.

Within a few weeks after independence had been proclaimed at Philadelphia, Jefferson resigned his seat in the Continental Congress and returned to his place in the Virginia Legislature. There he began his monumental work of laying the foundation of an independent democracy.

Within a few years the Virginia Legislature, under Jefferson's leadership, instituted full religious freedom, abolished the laws which had permitted great estates to pass undivided from generation to generation, prohibited the importation of slaves, revised the civil and criminal code of laws, and established a general system of public education. These acts, according to Jefferson, eradicated every fiber of the ancient and future aristocracy. These acts formed the basis for a truly democratic government.

Jefferson knew it was necessary to provide in law the requisites for the survival of an independent democracy. He knew that it was not enough merely to set forth a Declaration of Independence.

Two years ago the United States and 50 other nations joined in signing a great Declaration of Interdependence known as the Charter of the United Nations. We did so because we had learned, at staggering cost, that the nations of the world cannot live in peace and prosperity if, at the same time, they try to live in isolation. We have learned that nations are interdependent, and that recognition of our dependence upon one another is essential to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness of all mankind.

It is now the duty of all nations to converge their policies toward common goals of peace. Of course, we cannot expect all nations, with different histories, institutions, and economic conditions, to agree at once upon common ideals and policies. But it is not too much to expect that all nations should create, each within its own borders, the requisites for the growth of worldwide harmony.

The first requisite of peace among nations is common adherence to the principle that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. There must be genuine effort to translate that principle into reality.

The respective constitutions of virtually all the members of the United Nations subscribe to the proposition that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. In many countries, however, progress toward that goal is extremely slow. In other countries, progress in that direction is nonexistent. And in still others, the course of government is in the opposite direction.

It is necessary, if we are to have peace, that the peoples of the earth know each other, that they trade with each other and trust each other, and that they move toward common ideals. And yet, when governments do not derive their powers from the consent of the governed, these requirements are usually denied, and the peoples are kept in isolation.

The stronger the voice of a people in the formulation of national policies, the less the danger of aggression. When all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, there will be enduring peace.

A second requisite of peace among nations is common respect for basic human rights. Jefferson knew the relationship between respect for these rights and peaceful democracy. We see today with equal clarity the relationship between respect for human rights and the maintenance of world peace. So long as the basic rights of men are denied in any substantial portion of the earth, men everywhere must live in fear of their own rights and their own security.

We have learned much in the last 15 years from Germany, Italy, and Japan about the intimate relationship of dictatorship, aggression, and the loss of human rights. The problem of protecting human rights has been recognized in the Charter of the United Nations, and a Commission is studying the subject at this time.

No country has yet reached the absolute in protecting human rights. In all countries, certainly including our own, there is much to be accomplished. The maintenance of peace will depend to an important degree upon the progress that is made within nations and by the United Nations in protecting human rights.

The third requisite of peace is the free and full exchange of knowledge, ideas, and information among the peoples of the earth, and maximum freedom in international travel and communication.

Jefferson well understood this principle. On one occasion he said, "If a nation expects to be ignorant and free in a state of peace, it expects what never was and never will be." Today, we can paraphrase these words in international terms as follows: "If the nations of the world expect to live in ignorance and suspicion of each other in a state of peace, they expect what never was and never will be."

Many members of the United Nations have jointly created and now support the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization for the purpose of promoting the free exchange of ideas and information among the peoples of the earth. In the preamble to the Constitution of this Organization the member nations have declared that "the wide diffusion of culture and the education of humanity for justice and liberty and peace... constitute a sacred duty which all the nations must fulfill."

The United States has taken a leading role in furthering this ideal. We believe that it is essential to a peaceful and prosperous world. We believe that common knowledge and understanding among men can be greatly expanded in the years to come. We have the mechanical facilities-the radio, television, airplanes--for the creation of a worldwide culture. We have only to set them to work for international good.

Unfortunately, a number of countries maintain barriers against the flow of information and ideas into, or out of, their territories. Many of them restrict international travel. Some of them, behind barriers of their own creation, present to their citizens carefully selected or distorted versions of the facts about other countries. They teach and broadcast distrust and scorn of their neighbors.

These activities of organized mistrust lead the people away from peace and unity. They are a far cry from contributing to the full and free exchange of knowledge and ideas which we need if we are to have a peaceful world.

The first step to end ignorance and suspicion would be to stop propaganda attacks upon other nations. The second step would be to let down the barriers to information, ideas, and travel. The final step would be to cooperate with other nations who are so earnestly endeavoring to increase friendly understanding among men.

Here at the home of Thomas Jefferson, who dedicated his life to liberty, education, and intellectual freedom, I appeal to all nations and to all peoples to break down the artificial barriers which separate them. I appeal for tolerance and restraint in the mutual relations of nations and peoples. And I appeal for a free flow of knowledge and ideas that alone can lead to a harmonious world.

The fourth requisite of peace is that nations shall devise their economic and financial policies to support a world economy rather than separate nationalistic economies.

It is important to recognize that the United States has heavy responsibilities here. The United States is the greatest industrial nation of the world, the leading exporter of agricultural products, and the greatest creditor nation. Europe and Asia, on the other hand, have been devastated by war, and with insufficient funds and materials are struggling desperately with mountainous problems of reconstruction. In this situation the economic and financial policies maintained by the United States are of crucial importance.

We have contributed nearly $20 billion since the war to world relief, reconstruction, and stabilization. We have taken the lead in the establishment of the World Bank and the World Stabilization Fund. We have cooperated fully in the work of the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. We have authorized aid to Greece and Turkey. We have made generous loans through our Export-Import Bank. And we have suggested to European nations that further requests for American aid should be on the basis of a sound plan for European reconstruction.

Our representatives are in Geneva negotiating a series of tariff-reducing trade agreements. They are seeking agreement with other nations on the charter of an International Trade Organization designed to bring fairness and a spirit of cooperation into the trade relations of nations.

I believe that the United States is living up to its responsibilities for creating the economic conditions of the peace. We must realize that these responsibilities are continuous. Even the emergency aspects of the job are not yet behind us.

It is not enough, however, for one nation to live up to its responsibilities for aiding reconstruction and for cooperating in the production and exchange of goods. The cooperation of all nations is necessary if the job is to be done. To the extent that any nation falls behind, to that extent will urgent needs for food, clothing, and shelter remain unfilled.

Yet, certain nations today are withholding their support of reconstruction plans on the ground that this would mean interference by some nations in the internal affairs of others. This is as fallacious as the refusal of a man to enter a profitable business partnership on the ground that it would involve interference in his private affairs.

Surely after two world wars, nations should have learned the folly of a nationalism so extreme as to block cooperative economic planning among nations for peaceful reconstruction.

The life of Thomas Jefferson demonstrates, to a remarkable degree, the strength and power of truth.

He believed, with deep conviction, that in this young Nation the survival of freedom depended upon the survival of truth. So it is with the world.

As the spirit of freedom and the spirit of truth spread throughout the world, so shall there be understanding and justice among men.

This is the foundation for peace--a peace which is not merely the absence of war, but a deep, lasting peace built upon mutual respect and tolerance.

Our goal must be--not peace in our time--but peace for all time.

September 27, 1948

I have a profound faith in the people of this country. I believe in their commonsense. They love freedom and that love for freedom and justice is not dead.

Our people believe today, as Jefferson did, that men were not born with saddles on their backs to be ridden by the privileged few.

We believe, as Jefferson did, that "God who gave us life gave us liberty." We protect our liberty against those who threaten it from abroad, and we do not propose to give it up to those who threaten it at home.

We will not give up our democratic way to a dictatorship of the left; neither will we give it up to a despotism of special privilege.

October 13, 1948

Unity in a democracy cannot be produced by mealymouthed political speeches.

Unity on great issues comes only when the voice of the people has been heard so clearly, so strongly, so unmistakably, that no one--not even the second guessers--can doubt what the people mean.

Thomas Jefferson did not seek unity by concealing the real issues between himself and Alexander Hamilton. He made the issues clear, so that the people could reach a decision. And their decision determined that democracy rather than autocracy should prevail in this great country of ours.

October 27, 1948

That was the purpose of the Democratic Party. Thomas Jefferson had faith in the people. The Democratic Party is still the Jeffersonian Party that it always was--the party of the people. And it will always remain that way, as long as I have anything to do with it!

October 28, 1948

You know, John Adams and Thomas Jefferson were political enemies, but they became fast friends. And when they passed away, on the same day, the last words of one of them was, "The country is safe. Jefferson still lives." And the last words of the other was, "John Adams will see that things go forward."

You can't beat that in a Republic like this, my friends. That is what makes this country great. We can have our political fights, but we understand that the other fellow has a perfect right to. his views no matter what they may be, and he has a right to express them. That is what makes the Constitution of the United States the greatest document of government in the history of the world.

June 16, 1949

Reporter:

Mr. President, to go back to the Alien and Sedition laws, how can we apply the lessons of that time to the solution today?

President Harry Truman:

Well, continue to read your history through Jefferson's administration, and you will find what the remedy was. Hysteria finally died down, and things straightened out, and the country didn't go to hell, and it isn't going to now.

Reporter:

Mr. President, the first thing Jefferson did was to release 11 newspaper publishers from prison. [Laughter]

President Harry Truman:

Yes. I think he made a mistake on that. [More laughter] He released a Federal Judge, too, if I am not mistaken, under the Alien and Sedition laws.

November 2, 1949

You remember that way back in--oh, I guess it was in 1803--when Thomas Jefferson first took over the Louisiana Purchase, we had gentlemen in Congress who raised just as much fuss about that as some of them are raising about the Marshall plan now. And it sounds almost exactly like the same sort of speeches. Yet I don't think anybody in this audience would agree to give the Louisiana Purchase back to France. I don't think you could begin to think of doing anything of that sort.

The development of this great Nation was brought about by vision, and by planning.

I will say this to you, we haven't done enough planning.

November 3, 1949

The story of the Louisiana Purchase is more than just a schoolbook history. It is a story that is filled with significance for all Americans today.

In 1803, Thomas Jefferson, who was then President, sent representatives to France who agreed to buy the Louisiana territory from Napoleon Bonaparte. They agreed that the United States would pay $15 million to France in return for an area of nearly a million square miles. Think of that!--$15 a square mile for the richest part of the whole globe.

It is hard for us to believe today, but there was a storm of protest over this transaction. Members of the opposition party were against it, and they dragged in all kinds of arguments in their attempts to stop it. They maintained that President Jefferson had no power to make such an agreement. They claimed that it was unconstitutional. They said that this new territory would bring in a lot of undesirable people. I wish they could look at us now! They said that there could never be anything in common between the men of the wilderness west of the Mississippi and the citizens of the Atlantic coast. Some of them back there still believe that! They said the United States would fall apart.

Jefferson's opponents contended that the Louisiana Purchase would ruin the country, that we would need a large standing army to protect the new area, and that our democratic institutions would be undermined and destroyed. They said that $15 million was too much money, that it would greatly increase the national debt, and that it would be years before it could be paid off.

Furthermore--and this is what really worried them--they protested that the Eastern States would lose their political power.

Now, all this was typical of the standpatters and the reactionaries who are always telling us that things can't be done. They scrape up every argument under the sun to try to stop anything new--any change in things as they are--anything they think might disturb their own vested interests.

But in spite of all this clamor, Jefferson went right ahead. He and the members of his party foresaw that the United States was an expanding country, that it was going to grow indefinitely, and that it needed the land west of the Mississippi River. They knew, too, that the sum of $15 million, although it looked big at the time--it would be small change now--would prove to be insignificant compared with the benefits of doubling the size of the Nation. They believed that the increase in the prosperity of the United States, the growth of its trade and industry, would enable the Government to pay off this additional debt without difficulty--and they were right.

Today, we can look back on the opposition to the Louisiana Purchase and laugh. We wonder how men could have been so blind as to oppose this great step forward.

Do you know what one of the reactionaries of that day said ? He stood up on the floor of the Congress and not only opposed the incorporation of the Louisiana territory into the Union, but he actually urged that citizens of the United States be prohibited from ever settling west of the Mississippi River.

Now, that is a most important statement from a United States Senator, and his name was Senator Samuel White of Delaware. And this is from the Congressional Record-this is what he said--this is most interesting--he said--and I quote:

"We have already territory enough, and when I contemplate the evils that may arise to these States from this intended incorporation of Louisiana into the Union, I would rather see it given to France, to Spain, or to any other nation on earth, upon the mere condition that no citizen of the United States should ever settle within its limits, than to see a territory sold for a hundred million dollars and we retain the sovereignty." He was a great reactionary of his day. He was a United States Senator from Delaware.

Why did the reactionaries of Jefferson's time raise these ridiculous objections to the Louisiana Purchase? I will try to tell you why.

In the first place, they had very little imagination and very little faith in the future of this country. They simply could not believe that the American people would ever be able to settle that whole area and create cities, industries, and farms there.

There were other reasons, too. Those actionaries were themselves comfortably situated. They were well-to-do men. They were prominent in the big business of those times. They were influential in politics. They were well satisfied with their own position in life, and they did not want anything done that might disturb their advantages. They thought more of the threat to their power, and of the inconvenience to themselves in having to pay taxes for the Louisiana Purchase, than they did of the benefit to millions of Americans in having new lands to settle. They thought more of their own selfish welfare than they did of the general welfare of the whole Nation.

Consequently, they raised all these objections, and even went so far as to say that our whole system of government was being undermined.

The reactionaries of Jefferson's time were exactly like the reactionaries of today. Whenever there is a new proposal to promote the general welfare, we always hear the same sort of arguments--from the same sort of people--for the same sort of reasons.

But the propaganda of the reactionaries did not prevail in the case of the Louisiana Purchase. If it had, this country would not be what it is today. If it had, the State of Minnesota--and Missouri, too--would not even exist.

That kind of propaganda did not prevail then, and it will not prevail today.

The people of the United States know the way to progress. If the people have the true facts--and eventually they always get the true facts--no one can hold them back for very long.

Today, of course, we are no longer concerned with expanding the territory of the United States. We are concerned with expanding our economy and the opportunities of our people. We are concerned with increasing our agricultural and industrial production, and our standards of living. Those are our great frontiers today. And the advances which we can make on those frontiers are just as important to the general welfare as the territorial advances we made in Jefferson's time.

We have, in fact, a whole new world before us, the world of increased opportunity and wider freedom that our new technology and increasing abundance make possible. We have set our faces toward the new world and we are going to make it a reality.

Our economic frontiers can be expanded only if we follow sound public policies. We must rely, as we have always relied, upon the spirit of initiative and free enterprise. But we know that it is necessary for the Government to follow policies that will make it possible for initiative and free enterprise to succeed. At the same time, there is wide disagreement on what specific measures the Government should adopt and for whose benefit.

The reactionaries hold that government policies should be designed for the special benefit of small groups of people who occupy positions of wealth and influence. Their theory seems to be that if these groups are prosperous, they will pass along some of their prosperity to the rest of us. This can be described as the "trickle down theory."

The vast majority of us reject that theory as totally wrong.

We know that there will be more prosperity for all if all groups have a fair share of the wealth of the country. We know that the country will achieve economic stability and progress only if the benefits of our production are widely distributed among all its citizens.

We believe that it is the Federal Government's obligation, under the Constitution, to promote the general welfare of all our people--and not just a privileged few.

The policies we advocate are based on these convictions.

We maintain that farmers, like businessmen, should receive a fair price for the products they sell.

We maintain that workers are entitled to good wages and to equality of bargaining power with their employers.

We believe that cooperatives and small business should have a fair opportunity to achieve success, and should not be smothered by monopolies.

We hold that our great natural resources should be protected and developed for the benefit of all our people, and not exploited for private greed.

We believe that old people and the disabled should have an assured income to keep them from being dependent on charity.

We believe that families should have protection against loss of income resulting from accident, illness, or unemployment.

We hold that our citizens should have decent housing at prices they can afford to pay.

We believe in assuring educational opportunities for all our young people in order that we may have an enlightened citizenry.

We believe in better health and medical care for everyone--not for just a few.

We hold that all Americans are entitled to equal rights and equal opportunities under the law, and to equal participation in our national life, free from fear and discrimination.

Now, my friends, these are the policies that spell the progress for all our people. They are the best assurance of prosperity for everyone--including the very people who attack them most bitterly. These policies mean more democracy in this country, and not less. They mean more personal freedom for all Americans, and not less. They are our stanch shield against communism and against every other form of totalitarianism. They are the means by which we will achieve the better world we all seek.

Nevertheless, there are people who oppose these policies. There are people who are afraid of more democracy and greater freedom for all our citizens today, just as there were in Jefferson's time. There are people who contend that these programs for the general welfare will cost too much, just as the reactionaries in Jefferson's day contended that $15 million was too much to pay for a million square miles of new territory. They were wrong in Jefferson's time, and they are just as wrong today.

The expenditures which we make today for the education, health, and security of our citizens are investments in the future of our country, just as surely as the Louisiana Purchase was an investment in the future.

Expenditures which we make to develop our natural resources, to conserve our soil and our forests, and to make cheap electric power available to farms, homes, and factories, are equally good investments in the future of this great country.

The process of growth continues for us just as it did in Jefferson's day. If you think back over the last 20 years as they have affected your own community, you can see that this is true. You will think of the increase in population, of the new businesses that have been started, of the higher standards of living which you and your neighbors enjoy.

To keep pace with the growth of this country we need to make new investments in our own future--we need government policies that will contribute to the growth and progress of this great Nation--just as we needed new territory in the early days of our Republic.

May 10, 1950

Right near here, travelers on the old Oregon Trail used to cross the river on their way West. This area owes a lot to the Oregon Trail that brought settlers out to the coast. The Oregon Trail people used to outfit themselves out of Independence and Westport in Missouri. Those who came from the eastern part of the State and Kansas went up the Ohio and the Mississippi Rivers and up the Missouri to Independence, and then they would go West through Gardner, where the trail split off, one went to Santa Fe and the other to Oregon. And thanks to forward-looking President Thomas Jefferson, who decided that this country really was worth something, Oregon is one of the great States in the American Union. Some of the people in his time said it wasn't any good, they said the territory wasn't worth anything.

May 15, 1950

This pageant we have just seen shows the part that the Democratic Party has played in the building of our country.

The Democratic Party has helped to make this country great, and I am proud to be a Democrat.

In Jefferson's time, the American people created the Democratic Party to free themselves from the control of the privileged few. Since then, from time to time, the American people have chosen our party as their instrument to create the kind of nation that Jefferson dreamed of, a land of opportunity and justice for all.

The Democratic Party has always been the servant of the American people. It is still the servant of the people, working for equal opportunity and equal justice for all.

Since Jefferson's day our country has made great progress. We are now one of the most powerful, if not the most powerful, nation in the world. We carry tremendous responsibility, as a result of that power.

The problems we face today are different from those of Jefferson's time. But the Democratic Party is still true to the great principles that shine through all that Jefferson said and wrote.

Thomas Jefferson had faith in the people. He believed that the people could govern themselves wisely, if they knew the facts.

The Democratic Party today still believes that. We believe in giving the facts to the people.

May 17, 1950

I accept with great pleasure the first copy of Volume One of "The Papers of Thomas Jefferson." On behalf of the people of the United States, I congratulate Princeton University and the Princeton University Press on undertaking to edit and publish the great series which this volume begins.

I should like to add a personal word of appreciation and encouragement to the editors for the years of hard work that are still ahead of them. I am very well acquainted with what many people call "paper work," and I appreciate the immense amount of painstaking effort which each of these volumes requires.

We should also be grateful to the New York Times for the financial assistance which that newspaper has given to help compile this complete edition of the writings of one of the greatest Americans. This edition will be of lasting value to our Nation for generations to come.

As many of you know, I returned to Washington yesterday from a visit to the Pacific Northwest. Traveling at what is today a very leisurely rate, in 9 days I went nearly 7,000 miles through 16 States. In 1803 President Jefferson sent out two young pioneers to explore the same area I have just been through. Jefferson wanted to find out what was in the great new territory he had just bought from Napoleon.

Meriwether Lewis and William Clark took 28 months to make the round trip from the banks of the Mississippi to the mouth of the Columbia River on the Pacific coast. Where they found only Indian villages, herds of buffalo, and trackless wilderness and sagebrush, I saw great cities, immense structures like Grand Coulee Dam, and rich farmland. These sharp contrasts are only a few of many that point up the dramatic changes that have occurred in our country since Jefferson's day. Since the United States today scarcely resembles the United States when Jefferson knew it, why should the publication of his letters be so important to us?

The answer should be obvious, as we turn the pages of this first volume. Throughout his life, Jefferson waged an uncompromising fight against tyranny. The search for human liberty was a goal which he pursued with burning zeal. The spirit of democracy shines through everything he ever wrote.

Today, when democracy is facing the greatest challenge in its history, the spirit which Jefferson expressed in his battle against tyranny, and in his search for human liberty, stands out as a beacon of inspiration for free peoples throughout the world.

Jefferson lived in a time of great struggle, when this Nation was trying to establish itself as a democracy of free men. We today, in a different time and under different conditions, are in a great struggle to preserve and expand human freedom.

Our stage is larger--our struggle must be waged over the whole world, not merely in our own country. But the essential nature of the struggle is the same; to prove, by hard work and practical demonstration, that free men can create for themselves a good society, in which they live together at peace, and advance their common welfare.

When freedom is at stake, we need to draw upon every source of strength we can. Jefferson thought deeply about how to make liberty a living part of our society, and he proved the rightness of his thinking by practical demonstration. That is why I think it is particularly important that we are reasserting Jefferson's ideals by publishing these volumes.

History can be fairly written only when all the facts are on record. Jefferson has suffered at the hands of unscrupulous biographers and biased partisans ever since his death. The publication of his papers should correct the mistakes that have been made about him and should help prevent misinterpretations in the future.

There are others like Jefferson whose lives have enriched our history, but about whom we know too little. Many of them have been victims of unfair treatment at the hands of historians; others have been neglected because the record of their work is scattered about in remote places.

I hope that this edition of the writings of Thomas Jefferson will inspire educational institutions, learned societies, and civic-minded groups to plan the publication of the works of other great national figures. In far too many cases, there are incomplete and inaccurate editions of the writings of the great men and women of our country. In some distressing instances, we have only fragmentary records of men whose ideas and actions have helped shape our history.

I am convinced that we need to collect and publish the writings of the men and women who have made major contributions to the development of our democracy.

I am, therefore, requesting the National Historical Publications Commission, under the chairmanship of the Archivist of the United States, to look into this matter and to report to me. I am sure this Commission will wish to consult with scholars in all fields of American history, and to report what can be done--and should be done--to make available to our people the public and private writings of men whose contributions to our history are now inadequately represented by published works.

I am interested not just in political figures, but in the writings of industrialists and labor leaders, chemists and engineers, painters and lawyers, of great figures of all the arts and sciences who have made major contributions to our democracy.

Obviously, we cannot hope to collect, edit, and publish all the writings of all such leaders, but we can and should select the works of those who have been too long neglected and who need to be better known if we are to understand our heritage. This is a big undertaking. If will take a long time. It should be done as far as possible by private groups and not by the Federal Government, although the Federal Government can and will be of assistance whenever possible. The editions should be in every instance completely objective and should maintain the same high editorial standards that are evident in this first volume of "The Papers of Thomas Jefferson." They should aim to place the facts beyond debate and distortion.

At a time when democracy is meeting the greatest challenge in its history, we need to turn to the sources of our own democratic faith for new inspiration and new strength. These volumes of Thomas Jefferson will be a great reservoir of hope and faith during the critical years ahead. I sincerely hope that similar editions of the writings of other great men and women who have made our Nation what it is today can be placed with them.

June 10, 1950

This is indeed a great occasion.

I want to thank His Excellency, the Ambassador of France, for his invitation to me to visit his great country. Nothing, of course, would please me better. The President of the United States, it seems, must stay within his own borders at least until after the first Tuesday of next November.

I am happy to participate in the dedication of this historic site to the memory of Thomas Jefferson and the early pioneers and settlers of our westward expansion. The park which is to be created here will bear witness to our gratitude to Jefferson and the brave men who explored and settled the area of the Louisiana Purchase.

This park will commemorate a great act of statesmanship. When Jefferson purchased the Louisiana Territory, our country acquired a material basis for the kind of democratic society which Jefferson dreamed of. The abundant lands of the West made it possible for millions of families to settle on their own farms as freeholders and independent citizens.

This rural society of free men fixed the democratic character of our institutions. After this the country changed in many ways, and it was exposed to many dangers, but its democratic nature could never be shaken. The foes of democracy, whether they were the old Federalists, or the monopolists of a later period, or the adherents of new tyrannies and dictatorships, have not been able to prevail against it. And they never will.

We sometimes forget that we owe the Louisiana Purchase to Jefferson's wisdom and experience in foreign affairs. Foreign policy was a matter of first importance in Jefferson's time, just as it is today. The United States in those days was a new nation, and weak by comparison with the great European empires. Its continued survival as an independent country depended upon its having the goodwill and friendship of other countries.

Today, our foreign policy is that of one of the strongest nations in the world. But the future welfare of our country still depends upon our foreign policy just as it did in Jefferson's time.

This is true not only because the world has shrunk in terms of space and time--it is also true because in our day totalitarian tyrannies have sprung up in the world. These tyrannies, whether of the left or of the right, have threatened free institutions and free governments everywhere.

February 21, 1952

It has taken 150 years to find out what the truth is, and what Jefferson actually believed. They called him a Jacobin, which was the name then for a Communist. And they also called him an atheist, and I don't know what else--which turned out not to be true.

Princeton University has discovered Jefferson, and they are going to work on him. When we get those 52 volumes that Princeton University is putting out, we will probably know the truth--I say probably know the truth about Jefferson.

May 20, 1952

It is a real pleasure for me to be here today, and to join in celebrating the establishment of the United States Military Academy at West Point 150 years ago.

This Academy was started during Thomas Jefferson's first term as President. The United States at that time was relatively small and weak, and surrounded by dangers. We had just fought a limited and undeclared war with France to protect the freedom of our commerce and shipping. We were engaged in fighting another limited and undeclared war with the Barbary Pirates for the same purpose.

Jefferson, like Washington and Hamilton and other leaders of our young Republic, knew very well that a strong military establishment was vital to the preservation of American liberty. And those patriot leaders knew also that you cannot have effective military forces unless you have well-trained, well-prepared officers. They all knew how Washington had to struggle and experiment all through the Revolution to find officers who could take troops into battle and lead them to victory. That was why they wanted a military academy, as an essential part of a strong, permanent national defense organization.

But there was a great deal of opposition to starting a military academy in this country. It took 20 years of argument and persuasion after the Revolution was over before the Academy could be started. Now, listen to this: It was finally started largely because Jefferson took the position that if the Congress didn't authorize a military academy, he would start one up himself!

The argument over establishing a military academy was part and parcel of the argument over whether the United States should have strong national defenses. That argument has continued, of course, right down to the present day, and much of the debate after the Revolution is very, very modern. They are making those same old arguments today, just as they were made about the Military Academy when Jefferson was trying to start it.

There were a lot of people in this country in 1800 who were afraid that setting up a military academy and an army and navy would make us belligerent and warlike. You can hear echoes of that point of view today in the debate over universal military training.

There were a lot of other people in 1800 who said that a strong national defense would cost too much; that we couldn't afford it, that we ought to find some magic formula for achieving security without having to pay for it. That point of view is not only echoed today--it is loudly shouted in the newspapers and the halls of Congress.

Fortunately, these arguments did not prevail against the hardheaded commonsense of men like Jefferson. The Military Academy was set up; and this country has had occasion to be thankful many times since then that our early leaders had so much foresight.

June 18, 1952

Princeton has had some experience in trying to assemble the official papers of Thomas Jefferson. They had to go from one end of the country to the other in order to get the fundamental documents that formed the policies of his administration. That shouldn't have to be done. They ought to be accessible in one place--the President's papers should be accessible where the scholars and archivists can get to them without difficulty. I hope we will have that in the future.

President Dwight Eisenhower

October 15, 1953

A chief bulwark of our heritage against any such decay of the law has been and is and will be the American school system-from the one-room red brick building at a country crossroads to the largest of our universities.

In the days of the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, Thomas Jefferson wrote to a friend these words: "No surer foundation," he said of education, "can be devised for the preservation of liberty and happiness." Then, with the fervor of a lifetime devoted to the increase of liberty and happiness among men, he added, "Preach a crusade against ignorance."

The crusade was preached and was waged successfully. Impelled by it, our forebears added the school--the community school to the home that was the center of man's life as a family being, and to the church that was the fountain of his faith as a religious being. They were intent on providing an armory of knowledge where Americans might gird themselves for the obligations and the challenges that those Founding Fathers knew would be inescapable in a system of representative government.

October 17, 1953

It was daring for a new-born nation, lacking all modern communications making for unity, to venture into a huge, unexplored area of unknown natural hazards and little-known inhabitants. It was daring for such a nation to accept so heavy a debt as this unique purchase imposed upon it. It was daring for our two negotiators in Paris--Livingston and Monroe--to decide to accept Napoleon's surprising offer without fear of repudiation by their national leaders separated from them by the breadth of an ocean. It was daring for our President, Thomas Jefferson, to support their decision instantly and to face squarely the opposition not only of foreign powers but of political critics of great passion and small vision.

May 31, 1954

This occasion has for me particular significance because, for a time, I was intimately associated with those whose life-work is the education of America's youth. I am very proud that, through a brief span in Columbia's two hundred year history, my name was closely joined with that of this great institution. For such expression of personal pride in an association with a home of learning, I have illustrious predecessors.

Thomas Jefferson, for one, at the end of his long life, preferred that posterity should think of him, not as the holder of high office, but for his relationship to the University of Virginia.

He held that the free flow of information was indispensable to the maintenance of liberty. He wrote that if he had to make a choice between a society without newspapers or newspapers without a government, he would prefer the latter. And, of the diffusion of knowledge among the people through schools, he said: "No other sure foundation can be devised for the preservation of freedom and of happiness."

A relentless foe of tyranny in every guise, Jefferson throughout his life was steadfast to a fundamental tenet of Western Society, proclaimed two thousand years ago in the treasury of the Temple at Jerusalem, that the truth will make men free.

June 7, 1954

One of its great prophets, of course, was Thomas Jefferson. Again and again he pointed out that liberty could survive only as it was buttressed by knowledge. No other means could be devised, he thought, other than through real and insistent and persistent and broad education, to prepare people each to carry his burden in the great problem of people governing themselves.

May 24, 1955

Nothing has been so important to us as an informed public. As long ago as Jefferson's time he said were he forced to choose between a government without schools or schools without government, he would unhesitatingly take a civilization in which he had schools without government, well knowing that an informed public would soon discover the need for government and establish a proper one among themselves. And in the reverse case, he apparently did not know what might happen, because government with an uninformed public can be, as we know, very vicious…

Now, just a moment on my favorite subject. I quoted Jefferson to you but I think if Jefferson were alive today he would state the proposition in language so much more emphatic than he then used that you would scarcely recognize the similarity. Never was it so important as it is today that the American public is informed. We have burning questions abroad that stretch from a four-power conference around the world to the Indonesian crisis--the Indo China crisis. It is absolutely essential that the Americans know the actual facts of these problems. Moreover, that they be helped to gain an understanding of the relationship between these facts, because knowledge alone, necessarily--always remember--is not sufficient. We must understand…

I think today Jefferson's statement might be paraphrased to say: If I had to have international free communications or some kind of world government that could enforce the peace, I would unhesitatingly choose complete, free, international communications. And then we would be sure that we would find ways for sovereign nations to achieve man's age-old aspiration: peace among men with prosperity fairly shared by all.

October 11, 1956

So the sound dollar, which means economic and efficient handling of your fiscal affairs and, finally, the greatest possible decentralization of government. It seems to me today we are following the guidance of Jefferson in this respect. He put it this way: "The least government is the best government," and he said, "The closer government is to the people the better." So that is what we are for.

The partnership policy of which we speak is to give the maximum responsibility into the hands of local and State governments to run their own affairs, with the Federal coming in as a partner, a quick and willing partner, when it's needed.

September 29, 1959

Now I was going to talk for 10 seconds, and I have already for 10 minutes, but I will say one other thing: I have been giving my mind and heart to this business of foreign relations for a long time, long before I was President. And one thing is always clear--Jefferson spoke about it and many of our former statesmen: the need for an informed public opinion. Because since public opinion is the force that makes our country operate, makes it function, we must be perfectly sure that that public opinion is applied in the right direction, or we are not going on the right road.

President John F. Kennedy

September 5, 1960

The Democratic Party is the oldest political party on earth. We trace our intellectual descent back to Thomas Jefferson. Our call this year, however, is to the young at heart, whether they are over 65 or under it. All those who believe and have lived through the days of Woodrow Wilson's new freedom, through the New Deal of Franklin Roosevelt, through the Fair Deal of Harry Truman, through the great crusade of the last 8 years, they know how important this election is that the Democratic Party assume control of the executive branch of the Government. [Applause.] And the Democratic Party of Michigan, under John Swainson, with Pat McNamara and Don Jennings, and all the rest, are prepared to offer that kind of leadership in this State. This has been true of the Democratic Party throughout our history. When the Federalist Party was old and tired, Thomas Jefferson began the Democratic Party. His first action early as President was the Louisiana Purchase, against the wishes of all those who came from my own section of New England, who wanted the country to remain small, secluded, belonging to a few. Instead, he took a chance and spread the United States west, and even though when he became President the western boundary of America was Virginia, he sent Lewis and Clark all the way to the Pacific Ocean to open up the entire United States. That has been the spirit of the Democratic Party.

October 5, 1960

I come here today to correct a historical misstatement. Richard M. Nixon stood in this very same spot and claimed Thomas Jefferson as a Republican. Not on his best day. I am going to get him back. Thomas Jefferson is a Democrat.

I give you McKinley, Coolidge, Harding, Hoover, Dewey, Landon. [Response from the audience.]

I don't blame him for claiming Jefferson. They have very few they can claim. Theodore Roosevelt left the Republican Party.

Abraham Lincoln, his successor, who tried to carry out his policy, was assassinated, but they cannot take Thomas Jefferson and they cannot take the United States in 1960, or the State of Kentucky. [Applause.]

October 10, 1960

The Department of Agriculture was created 98 years ago to serve rural America. It is time the people who live in urban areas receive equal representation.

Some may say that all these things will cost too much. But the cost to the taxpayer will be far less than the present enormous cost of slums, traffic jams, crime and delinquency, and the economic decline of downtown areas. And the entire Federal share will actually be less than just one item in the Federal budget - the excessive interest costs on the national debt that have been added by the high-interest policies of the Republican administration.

Thomas Jefferson told us that our "laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind." But in this area of urban affairs, our laws and institutions have lagged behind what our minds tell us we can do. There is a civil renaissance, an awakening of public spirit and will, throughout our cities. We see it in the Golden Triangle in Pittsburgh, at Lincoln Square in New York, at Charles Center in Baltimore. Let us hope that that spirit of confidence and enterprise now arising in the cities of America will sweep next year into the Capital of the United States. Then the Federal Government will join in partnership with its States and its cities - and together we will move forward to realize in our cities the good life that can be ours.

October 12, 1960

We should be glad they came to the United States. We should not fear the 20th century, for this worldwide revolution which we see all around us is part of the original American Revolution. When the Indonesians revolted after the end of World War II, they scrawled on the walls, "Give me liberty or give me death." They scrawled on the walls "All men are created equal." Not Russian slogans but American slogans. When they had a meeting for independence in Northern Rhodesia, they called it a Boston Tea Party. They quoted Jefferson, they quoted Jackson, they quoted Franklin Roosevelt. They don't quote any American statesmen today. There are children in Africa called George Washington. There are children in Africa called Thomas Jefferson. There are none called Lenin or Trotsky or Stalin in the Congo, or Nixon. [Laughter.]

October 14, 1960

So I come here today as the nominee for the oldest political party on earth, the Democratic Party, founded [applause] founded by the most extraordinary individual of the 18th century, the most gifted, the most farsighted, Thomas Jefferson, and I come in 1960 and say that we need men of intellectual curiosity, farsighted, concerned, interested, who want this country to be what it can and must be. Thank you. [Applause.]

October 22, 1960

The Democratic Party is a national party. It represents all groups in our society. It represents particularly, as our inheritance from Thomas Jefferson - and Mr. Nixon keeps going down South and saying we are not the heirs of Thomas Jefferson. I agree we are not running on the same platform Thomas Jefferson ran on. It is 160 years since he ran for President. But we are his inheritors in one particular way, I hope and believe, and that is Thomas Jefferson looked to the future. The whole Louisiana Purchase, his decision to send Lewis and Clark to the Pacific - all that represented a change. He was identified with the American Revolution. He was identified with what was new and changing. He was in touch in Europe and America with all of the course of intellectual life.

October 25, 1960

One of the subjects that is important to us all as citizens here in this community and around the country is how we are going to have an educational system second to none. Every child here in this community deserves to be well educated, because as Thomas Jefferson said, "If you hope that people will be free and ignorant, you hope for what never was and never will be." In order to maintain a free society, in order that we can maintain our independence in the coming year, we have to have the best educated citizens in the world.

October 29, 1960

What we have to do is maintain our strength, to spread the umbrella of freedom around the globe. As Thomas Jefferson once said, "The disease of liberty is catching", and ultimately it will catch around the globe. What we have to make sure is that during these years, when this disease is spreading, that we maintain our strength, that we offer it shelter, that we offer it encouragement, that we move this country and in moving our country, move the globe.

November 2, 1960

We live in a fast moving nation. But one thing constant from the birth of our Republic has been our faith in education and our determination to make it available to all our citizens.

It was Aristotle, more than 2,000 years ago, who said: "The neglect of education ruins the constitution of the country." And Thomas Jefferson echoed these principles when he wrote to a friend in 1786 that "the most important bill is that for the diffusion of knowledge among the people. No other sure foundation can be devised for the preservation of freedom and happiness."

Thus the value and importance of education was at the foundation of Western thought - and was again present at the foundation of the American Republic. And in this coming week - which the President has officially proclaimed as American Education Week - we rededicate ourselves to the principle of equal educational opportunity for all regardless of race, place of birth, or wealth. But even though our basic faith in education remains unchanged, the challenges which confront our educational system today are greater, more varied, and more significant than ever before in our history.

November 4, 1960

I believe a Democratic tide is rising in the Nation. I believe the people of this country are committed to looking forward. I believe that they know in good times and bad, regardless of what may be said or read, the record of the Democratic Party is shown to you all. It is a responsible and progressive record. All those Republicans who come down here to worship at the shrine of Thomas Jefferson and Woodrow Wilson and Andrew Jackson fought against them all their political lives. [Applause.] The Republican Party ruined Woodrow Wilson and his hope for the League of Nations. [Applause.] The intellectual predecessors of the Republican Party, the Whigs, censured Andrew Jackson for trying to prevent the flow of money, in this country, prevent it from being dominated by a small group in Philadelphia.

John Quincy Adams, who represented my State in the Senate, was expelled from the Senate by the Republicans in those days, because he supported Thomas Jefferson and the Louisiana Purchase. They come down here and say, "We are all for Wilson, Jackson, Jefferson, and the rest. [Response from the audience.] They are even beginning to say a few kind words about Franklin Roosevelt. Harry Truman, of course - 20 years from now they might even speak a good word for him, but he won't about them. [Applause.]

This is an ancient struggle between those who look to the future, between those who share the inheritance of Jefferson, and what was it? It was a willingness to look life in the eye, to look to the future, to plan to decide what is best for our country and to move ahead, to be committed to no faction but to be committed to the truth. That is the inheritance of Thomas Jefferson. And on that inheritance I run in 1960, and ask your help. Thank you. [Applause.]

October 3, 1961

I have in my office at the White House one of the few papers which got out of the hands of the Adamses, which is a report of a committee of the Congress which Mr. John Quincy Adams as Senator headed, which supported Thomas Jefferson's embargo which ruined Massachusetts commerce, and which cost John Quincy Adams his seat.

This tremendous devotion to the public interest, this vitality which goes from generation to generation down to the present is really the most exceptional scarlet thread which runs throughout the entire tapestry of American political life.

It is an interesting fact that Mr. Charles Francis Adams who was the Secretary of the Navy was also probably the best sailor that this country ever produced. This ability to do things well and to do them with precision and with modesty attracts us all. And therefore, as an honorary member of the Massachusetts Historical Society, I was delighted and proud of the fine speech made by our President, Mr. Adams, today.

Thomas Jefferson and Adams exchanged one bit of correspondence which I think is rather illuminating. In a letter to Jefferson in 1815, Adams wrote: "Who shall write the history of the American Revolution? Who can write it? Who will ever be able to write it?" And Jefferson replied: "Nobody, except merely its external facts. All its councils, designs and discussions having been conducted by Congress with closed doors .... These, which are the life and soul of history must forever be unknown."

These books, these volumes, do something to open those doors. But I am impressed by the difficulty, even with these contemporary records of the Adamses, the Jeffersons, Madisons, Franklins, and all the others, of really getting to the historical truth. Even with the most complete reporting which we now have, even with the most accurate contemporary record which may be kept, I still am impressed, from personal experience as well as observation, with how difficult it ever is to feel that we've finally gotten to the "bone" of truth on any great historical controversy.

But this does open the doors. This does bring us closer to the tables where the record was written. And for this reason it serves as a most valuable chronicle of a long series of lives which stretch down to the present date.

December 5, 1961

No one knew this better than the men of Greece, to whom our civilization owes so much. The Greeks sought excellence not only in philosophy and drama and sculpture and architecture, but in athletics. The same people who produced the poetry of Homer, the wisdom of Plato and Aristotle--they also produced the Olympic Games. The Greeks understood that mind and body must develop in harmonious proportion to produce a creative intelligence. And so did the most brilliant intelligence of our earliest days, Thomas Jefferson, when he said, "Not less than two hours a day should be devoted to exercise." If a man who wrote the Declaration of Independence, was Secretary of State, and twice President could give it 2 hours, our children can give it 10 or 15 minutes.

April 29, 1962

Ladies and gentlemen:

I want to tell you [winners of the Nobel Prize] how welcome you are to the White House [for a celebration dinner]. I think this is the most extraordinary collection of talent, of human knowledge, that has ever been gathered together at the White House, with the possible exception of when Thomas Jefferson dined alone.

Someone once said that Thomas Jefferson was a gentleman of 32 who could calculate an eclipse, survey an estate, tie an artery, plan an edifice, try a cause, break a horse, and dance the minuet. Whatever he may have lacked, if he could have had his former colleague, Mr. Franklin, here we all would have been impressed.

June 11, 1962

Nearly 150 years ago Thomas Jefferson wrote, "The new circumstances under which we are placed call for new words, new phrases, and for the transfer of old words to new objects." New words, new phrases, the transfer of old words to new objects-that is truer today than it was in the time of Jefferson, because the role of this country is so vastly more significant.

July 4, 1962

The theory of independence is as old as man himself, and it was not invented in this hall. But it was in this hall that the theory became a practice; that the word went out to all, in Thomas Jefferson's phrase, that "the God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same time." And today this Nation--conceived in revolution, nurtured in liberty, maturing in independence--has no intention of abdicating its leadership in that worldwide movement for independence to any nation or society committed to systematic human oppression.

January 29, 1963

For education cannot easily or wisely be divided into separate parts. Each part is linked to the other. The colleges depend on the work of the schools; the schools depend on the colleges for teachers; vocational and technical education is not separate from general education. This bill recalls the posture of Jefferson: "Nobody can doubt my zeal for the general instruction of the people. I never have proposed a sacrifice of the primary to the ultimate grade of instruction. Let us keep our eye steadily on the whole system."

January 31, 1963

America was to be the great experiment, a testing ground for political liberty, a model for democratic government, and although the first task was to mold a nation on these principles here on this continent, we would also lead the fight against tyranny on all continents. In short, wrote Jefferson to Adams, "The flames kindled on the 4th of July 1776 have spread over too much of the globe to be extinguished by the feeble energies of despotism." Although Jefferson also foresaw that to attain liberty in other parts of the globe, years of desolation must pass over.

Almost two centuries have passed since a small, weak nation, a beachhead on a continent, began the great experiment of democracy in a world where government by the consent of the governed was extinguished for 2,000 years. As Jefferson prophesied, there have been many years of desolation and destruction.

May 18, 1963

The educated citizen knows how much more there is to know. He knows that "knowledge is power," more so today than ever before. He knows that only an educated and informed people will be a free people, that the ignorance of one voter in a democracy impairs the security of all, and that if we can, as Jefferson put it, "enlighten the people generally ... tyranny and the oppressions of mind and body will vanish, like evil spirits at the dawn of day." And, therefore, the educated citizen has a special obligation to encourage the pursuit of learning, to promote exploration of the unknown, to preserve the freedom of inquiry, to support the advancement of research, and to assist at every level of government the improvement of education for all Americans, from grade school to graduate school.

Secondly, the educated citizen has an obligation to serve the public. He may be a precinct worker or President. He may give his talents at the courthouse, the State house, the White House. He may be a civil servant or a Senator, a candidate or a campaign worker, a winner or a loser. But he must be a participant and not a spectator.

"At the Olympic games," Aristotle wrote, "it is not the finest and strongest men who are crowned, but they who enter the lists-for out of these the prize-men are elected. So, too, in life, of the honorable and the good, it is they who act who rightly win the prizes."

I urge all of you today, especially those who are students, to act, to enter the lists of public service and rightly win or lose the prize. For we can have only one form of aristocracy in this country, as Jefferson wrote long ago in rejecting John Adams' suggestion of an artificial aristocracy of wealth and birth. It is, he wrote, the natural aristocracy of character and talent, and the best form of government, he added, was that which selected these men for positions of responsibility.

October 19, 1963

So, I express my thanks to all of you tonight. I appreciate the effort that you are making to sustain and support that party. I am proud to be a member of it. We are the oldest political party in the world, stretching back our roots to Thomas Jefferson, and I hope in our day and time that we can see the future as he did 150 years ago. That is why we are here tonight, and that is why we are proud to be Democrats.

November 19, 1963

I quoted before and I quote again Mr. Jefferson: "If we expect a nation to be ignorant and free, we expect what never was and never will be." That should be our thesis for the next 9 months, to see that the Congress, before it goes home, leaves something here that is worthy of being remembered in the important field of education.

President Lyndon B. Johnson

January 11, 1964

I think you will find that we will be able to get through this campaign and any others in which we may engage with the same thought in mind that basically there are so many more things that unite us than divide us. We have faith in this country and we have hope for this country. We believe in the people of this country and their judgment. As Jefferson once said, "The collective judgment of the many is much to be preferred to the individual judgment of the few."

January 22, 1964

Here [Smithsonian Institution's Museum of History and Technology], for all to see and for all to absorb, will be exhibited the pageant of history of a youthful nation that is today as it was when Jefferson described it: "In the full tide of successful experiment."

February 14, 1964

It is true today as when Thomas Jefferson first said it, that people generally have more feeling for canals and the roads than they do for education. But I hold the hope that Jefferson held, that we can advance them with equal pace. In our cities and in our counties, and in all of our country, there is a very great and urgent need for public works. But today more than any time in our history, America's most urgent work is educating its people, educating all the people, all the time, wherever they may have been born or wherever they may have chosen to live.

February 21, 1964

So let us go forward with undaunted purpose in the healing of the nations. for America today, as in Jefferson's time, peace must be our passion. It is not enough for America to be a sentinel on the frontiers of freedom. America must also be on the watchtower seeking out the horizons of peace. We are not alone as servants and guardians of these high causes. Yet on us as a people and government has fallen a solemn burden. We shall never weary under its weight. So let us, with brave hearts and with cool heads, advance with the task of building the citadels of peace, in a world that is set free from fear.

March 15, 1964

Mr. Lawrence:

Mr. President, Thomas Jefferson referred to the office as a splendid misery.

Harry Truman used to talk about it as if it were a prison cell. Do you like it?

President Lyndon B. Johnson:

I am doing the best I can in it, and I am enjoying what I am doing.

Thomas Jefferson said the second office of the land was an honorable and easy one. The Presidency was a splendid misery.

March 23, 1964

All Americans, whatever their party or their persuasion, can know that this administration is going to be prudent, that we are striving to fulfill that great Democrat Thomas Jefferson's admonition to always be wise and be frugal. Some have criticized me taking from the haves and giving to the have-nots.

Well, I want you this morning to read me loud and clear. When Secretary McNamara can eliminate an obsolete military base that is a have in our old budget, I am not going to hesitate to let Sargent Shriver use it to save a have-not, perhaps a delinquent high school dropout, from 50 years of waste and want.

May 11, 1964

Thomas Jefferson pointed out that no government ought to be without censors. I can assure you, where the press is free, none will ever be needed.

So, all of us should be encouraged by these young people who are here this morning, because, as long as the press is free and young Americans like you pursue journalism as a profession, democracy will be free.

June 6, 1964

The guidance of the past is not adequate to the goals of our future. Our second task is to resolve problems which will not yield to old slogans, or historic programs, or tested resolves.

What Thomas Jefferson said almost two centuries ago is true for us today: "The new circumstances under which we are placed call for new works, new phrases, and for the transfer of old words to new objects."

June 8, 1964

Is freedom betrayed when in 1964 we redeem in full the pledge made a century ago by the Emancipation Proclamation?

The truth is--far from crushing the individual, government at its best liberates him from the enslaving forces of his environment. For as Thomas Jefferson said, "the care of human life and happiness is the first and only legitimate object of good government."

Upon the rock of that conviction this Government is fighting--fighting to free 20 million Americans whose rights have been denied and whose hopes have been damned because they were born with dark skin. And upon that unchanging truth we are determined to wage unconditional war against the poverty that keeps one-fifth of our people in economic bondage.

June 10, 1964

I cannot say that I am unaccustomed to public speaking. But I do speak before this audience with some trepidation--as a parent who has not yet come close to mastering the "New Math."

Up against your impressive scores and your scholastic records, I can find comfort for myself only in remembering that Thomas Jefferson once said, "Nobody can conceive that nature ever intended to throw away a Newton upon the occupation of a crown."

If there are no aspiring future Presidents here today, I imagine there are some Newtons, some Franklins, some Edisons, some Whitmans, some Hemingways, and, I would hope, a Robert Frost or a Carl Sandburg.

June 11, 1964

As Vice President, I was privileged to be active in support of your efforts for equal pay for women. As President, I have been somewhat active in the cause of equal position for women within our Government. I am, and I believe you are, too, opposed to both stag government and "men only" opportunity.

When Thomas Jefferson was our Minister to France, before becoming Vice President and President, he wrote a letter home, in which he said:

"... All the world is now politically made. Men, women, children talk nothing else, and they talk much, loud and warm .... But our good ladies, I trust, have been too wise to wrinkle their foreheads with politics. They are content to soothe and calm the minds of their husbands returning ruffled from political debate."

Well, I would be the last to disagree with Jefferson or to discourage wives from calming husbands--I find that is very important in my life sometimes--who return "ruffled from political debate." And that occasionally happens to me.

But I prefer to remember what Jefferson said about women and government--that between them and "the men who either pay or fight for their country, no line of right can be drawn."

June 20, 1964

Men have been talking about the importance of education in America ever since Thomas Jefferson once said: "If you expect a nation to be ignorant and free, you expect what never was and never will be."

July 24, 1964

We must continue our attack on unnecessary spending in government. But I believe as Thomas Jefferson put it we should always have a "wise and frugal Government" which "shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned." While we continue to press the cause of frugality, we shall see to it that the economy receives the stimulus it needs to sustain prosperity and narrow unemployment.

August 12, 1964

One hundred sixty-three years ago, in his first message to Congress, President Thomas Jefferson said, "We should at every session of Congress continue to amend the defects... in the laws for regulating the militia . . ." And, he added, "until we can say we have done everything for the militia which we could do were an enemy at our door."

August 18, 1964

Our society must always demand and must always require respect for the person of those who personify the majesty of the law. Any who defy, or defame, or do injury to law enforcement officers defame and do injury to all the people.

This is an exacting season in our national life, because we strive toward the exacting standards of free men: equal rights and equal responsibilities, equal opportunity and equal obligation, equal justice under law and equal respect for that law.

We have raised our standards high. We will maintain them without compromise. As Thomas Jefferson once put it, "Laws made by common consent must not be trampled on by individuals."

August 28, 1964

We have had 164 years of the Democratic Party, and I think that it has really come alive this year. Back in 1800 we founded it and that was a year of bitter and extreme partisanship. Our Nation was torn by division, but when the campaign was over, when the dust had settled, when the victory was won, Thomas Jefferson's instinct was to heal and not to hate. He went before his countrymen in speaking to them all and he said, "We are all Democrats. We are all Republicans."

September 15, 1964

At this time in our Nation's life as we decide our course for the years to come--and this is the year of decision for you--let us all live by the precept of that great American, Thomas Jefferson, who said, "The care of human life and happiness, and not their destruction, is the first and the only legitimate object of good government."

And for however long I may be permitted to lead you and to serve you, the care of human life and happiness will enjoy the highest priority, because I think, as you think, as Jefferson thought, it is the first and the only legitimate object of good government.

September 25, 1964

You live in the wealthiest nation on earth. You enjoy the highest standard of living of any people. You eat more, you wear more, you live in the best houses, you have more luxuries than any people anywhere. Nature blessed us with a rich earth, and it blessed us with brave men to work it. But none of us must ever get the idea that success comes from circumstances and good luck.

It came from almost two centuries of partnership, partnership between Government and the people in the cause of a growing America, and, in recent years, as that partnership has become more effective, growth has been more rapid.

This is not a new idea. It is not a radical idea. It is as old as the American Nation. It was Thomas Jefferson who said: "The freedom and the happiness of man are the sole object of all legitimate government."

October 31, 1964

As Thomas Jefferson said a long time ago, your third President and former Vice President, one of the greatest men we have produced--he said that the decision of the many is much to be preferred to the judgment of the few. Hitler found out that when he could mash a button and make a decision, it wasn't always a wise one.

January 7, 1965 3:33pm

Thomas Jefferson once said: "An attention to health should take the place of every other object."

In keeping with Mr. Jefferson's concept of national priorities, I am today asking the Congress to make sure that the health of our Nation is the foundation for all our aspirations.

January 7, 1965

In 1787, Thomas Jefferson wrote that, "Without health there is no happiness. An attention to health, then, should take the place of every other object."

That priority has remained fixed in both the private and public values of our society through generations of Americans since.

Our rewards have been immeasurably bountiful. "An attention to health"--of the individual, the family, the community and the nation--has contributed to the vitality and efficiency of our system as well as to the happiness and prosperity of our people.

February 8, 1965 12:30pm

As Thomas Jefferson once wrote to a friend in another land, "The field of knowledge is the common property of mankind, and any discoveries we can make in it will be for the benefit of yours and of every other nation, as well as our own."

So this morning as we honor our outstanding men of science, let all the world understand that science in America is--and shall remain--dedicated to mankind's freedom, and mankind's justice and peace and not to mankind's oppression or enslavement or destruction.

February 8, 1965

The cities Thomas Jefferson wrote that communities "should be planned with an eye to the effect made upon the human spirit by being continually surrounded with a maximum of beauty."

We have often sadly neglected this advice in the modern American city. Yet this is where most of our people live. It is where the character of our young is formed. It is where American civilization will be increasingly concentrated in years to come.

March 2, 1965

Our country has come a long way since the first woman government employee was appointed postmaster at Baltimore in 1773. She was Mary Goddard.

Miss Goddard faced rather formidable opposition. At that time, no less a person than Thomas Jefferson was saying, and I quote: "The appointment of a woman to office is an innovation for which the public is not yet prepared."

March 15, 1965

The essence of our American tradition of State and local governments is the belief expressed by Thomas Jefferson that Government is best which is closest to the people. Yet that belief is betrayed by those State and local officials who engage in denying the right of citizens to vote. Their actions serve only to assure that their State governments and local governments shall be remote from the people, least representative of the people's will and least responsive to the people's wishes.

If there were no other reasons, the strengthening and protection of the vital role of State and local governments would be reasons enough to act against the denial of the right to vote for any of our citizens…

In our system, the first right and most vital of all our fights is the right to vote. Jefferson described the elective franchise as "the ark of our safety." It is from the exercise of this right that the guarantee of all our other rights flows.

April 11, 1965

So it is not the culmination but only the commencement of this journey. Let me urge, as Thomas Jefferson urged his fellow countrymen one time to, and I quote, "Preach, my dear sir, a crusade against ignorance; establish and improve the law for educating the common people .... "

We have established the law. Let us not delay in putting it to work.

June 6, 1965

The strength of our society does not rest in the silos of our missiles nor lie in the vaults of our wealth--for neither arms nor silver are gods before which we kneel.

The might of America lies in the morality of our purposes and their support by the will of the people of the United States.

It was Mr. Jefferson who said that: "Our interests . . . will ever be found inseparable from our moral duties."

That standard guides us still.

June 9, 1965

As long as we have been a nation, peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations have been our aims--as Thomas Jefferson once said.

Those are still our aims--and will be always.

June 30, 1965

America's greatest asset will always be our young people. If our society has achieved a measure of distinction and greatness, it is because we have held a very high regard and a sincere respect for our young people.

Many years ago, before our Government came into being, Thomas Jefferson wrote a letter to a friend, and in that letter he said, and I quote: "The fortune of our lives depends on employing well the short period of youth."

July 16, 1965

Thomas Jefferson once said of the city of Washington: "It has been the source of much happiness to me during my residence in the seat of government and I owe much for its kind disposition. I shall ever feel a high interest in the prosperity of the city and an affectionate attachment to its inhabitants."

In saying that, the third President spoke what, I am sure, have been the sentiments of all Presidents to follow--certainly those of the thirty-sixth President.

August 17, 1965

God did not create any man to live in unseen chains, laboring through a life of pain in order to heap the table of a favored few. No farmer should be enslaved to land that he can never own. No worker should be stripped of reward for toil. No family should be compelled to sacrifice while others escape the obligations of their society. "Indeed," said Thomas Jefferson, "I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just." We must surely tremble for our continent as long as any live and flourish protected by the walls of injustice.

January 20, 1966

In 1816 Thomas Jefferson wrote:

"Some men ascribe to the men of a preceding age a wisdom more than human, and suppose what they did to be beyond amendment .... I am certainly not an advocate for frequent and untried changes in laws and constitutions .... But I know also, that laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind."

I believe that in the interest of progress and sound modern government--and to nourish and strengthen our creative Federal system--we must amend our Constitution, to provide a four-year term of office for Members of the House of Representatives.

I believe that for the same reasons we must also eliminate those defects in the Electoral College system which make possible the frustration of the people's will in the election of their President and Vice President.

April 27, 1966

For 161 years have passed since that great President Thomas Jefferson charged his countrymen to treat the original inhabitants of our country "with the commiseration that history requires."

President Jefferson pointed out that our European ancestors found the American Indian "occupying a country which left them no desire but to be undisturbed." That desire was thrust aside by history and Thomas Jefferson's pleas were ignored.

We cannot turn back the hands of time today, but we can, after 161 years of neglect, honor Jefferson's plea. Others have tried. They have known some success, yet far too many of our Indians live under conditions which made a mockery of our claims to social justice.

July 8, 1966

One hundred and ninety years ago this week, a group of Americans issued a declaration that has become one of history's most celebrated documents.

The Declaration of Independence was adopted on July 4, 1776. On July 8 the Liberty Bell in Philadelphia, proclaiming "Liberty throughout all the land unto all the Inhabitants thereof," summoned the people to listen to the first public reading of the document. In this historic tradition I have signed the American Revolution Bicentennial Bill on July 4, and am releasing it to the Nation on July 8.

America's Declaration of Independence was more than an assertion of political independence. It did more than spark a revolution in America. It kindled a revolution in the hearts and minds of men that continues to this day.

"We hold these truths to be self-evident," our forefathers declared, "that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."

Since those words were written two centuries ago, the forces of tyranny and despotism have been in retreat throughout the world. And where men find freedom still denied, they struggle on, inspired by the ideals expressed in those words: As Thomas Jefferson said:

"The flames kindled on the 4th of July 1776, have spread over too much of the globe to be extinguished by the feeble engines of despotism; on the contrary, they will consume those engines, and all who work them."

The commemoration of the 200th anniversary of the American Revolution is, therefore, of interest and concern, not only to Americans, but to men everywhere.

Last March I requested that the Congress adopt a resolution establishing an American Revolution Bicentennial Commission to begin at once planning the observance of the 200th anniversary of our national independence. The Congress has now enthusiastically honored that request.

In my request to the Congress last March, I said some things that are especially pertinent today:

"Ours was a true revolution of liberty. It was not a revolution of tyranny. It was not a revolution of aggression. It was a revolution for the greatest cause in the affairs of man--freedom and human dignity.

"The impact of the American Revolution on the rest of the world was electric. This small, struggling Nation became the rallying point for friends of freedom throughout Western civilization.

"To these shores came great men like Lafayette, Von Steuben, Kosciuszko, and Pulaski. It was Pulaski himself who said, 'Wherever on the globe men are fighting for liberty, it is as if it were our own affair.'

"Those words have special significance for our own generation. Today, the Vietnamese people are fighting for their freedom in South Vietnam. We are carrying forward our great heritage by helping to sustain their efforts."

With this bill we are setting in motion much more than a celebration. The American Revolution Bicentennial Commission will:

--Recall to Americans and to the world the majestic significance of the Revolution;

--Provide a creative and helping hand to State, local, and private groups in their commemorations;

--Plan for celebrations at the national level;

--Increase our knowledge and appreciation of the American Revolution in our schools, universities, and general public thinking.

The American Revolution Bicentennial Commission will be composed of Members of Congress and the executive branch and of distinguished private citizens to be appointed by the President. They will give assurance that the American Revolution and the ideas for which it stands will be commemorated with all the dignity and spirit which the occasion deserves.

July 23, 1966

I think if Thomas Jefferson, for whom I assume your community was named, could be here tonight he would like what I see.

You know Thomas Jefferson was the father of the Democratic Party. Thomas Jefferson felt that the judgment of the many was much to be preferred to the decision of the few.

I am so happy that we can come in here this late in the evening--it is 9 o'clock by a watch that was set in some State that we appeared in today; I don't know what time it is here--to see hundreds or thousands of people who think enough of their community, their State, and their country to come here and give us this welcome, and to participate in this civic affair.

Thomas Jefferson said that the care of human life and happiness is the first and only legitimate object of government. And that is what we have been doing today. We have been trying to show our concern for the care of human life and happiness. We have been trying to make it evident that it was the first and legitimate objective of this administration and of this Government.

We believe that we must be strong in order to protect the things that we have that other people would like to take away from us. And after seeing the headquarters of the 101st Airborne Division this afternoon, we have no doubt about our strength.

But we do not want to be strong in order to be able to wage or win wars. We want to be strong so we can prevent war and bring peace.

August 19, 1966

We are interested in building better minds, we are interested in building better bodies, we are interested in building a better country and a more beautiful countryside.

Thomas Jefferson said that he would like to have on his tombstone that he had been the father of the University of Virginia. And when all is said and done, I want our period to be remembered as the time when we built better minds and educated our little children; when we built better bodies and took care of our sick; when we loved health and education and food so much that we wanted everybody to have a little of it; when we prized freedom so high for ourselves that we thought other human beings in the world were entitled to it also.

October 14, 1966

I was reading last night what had been said about every President. I don't know that I have as yet taken the prize for having had the meanest things said about me, because I just don't guess they could have said any meaner things than they did about Thomas Jefferson. But I went through what they had said about Jefferson, Jackson, Theodore Roosevelt, Franklin Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy, and others.

And I turned over and turned out my light and thought for just a moment that after all, I had been getting some pretty good breaks up to now and I had a lot to be thankful for. A good deal of it is in this room. I treasure and prize the friendship of each of you. I am not doing everything the way you do it, but I am doing it the best way I know how.

November 3, 1966

Thomas Jefferson once said: "The disease of liberty is catching. Our function is to maintain its vitality here . . . so that we will be the nucleus of a great army of people the globe around who desire to follow the same road we follow."

Well, I have just returned from a 31,500-mile trip throughout the Pacific. I visited seven nations. I saw more than 5 million people. And I can tell you that the words Thomas Jefferson spoke more than 100 years ago are truer today than they were when he spoke them.

January 10, 1967

We are there because the Congress has pledged by solemn vote to take all necessary measures to prevent further aggression.

No better words could describe our present course than those once spoken by the great Thomas Jefferson:

"It is the melancholy law of human societies to be compelled sometimes to choose a great evil in order to ward off a greater."

We have chosen to fight a limited war in Vietnam in an attempt to prevent a larger war--a war almost certain to follow, I believe, if the Communists succeed in overrunning and taking over South Vietnam by aggression and by force. I believe, and I am supported by some authority, that if they are not checked now the world can expect to pay a greater price to check them later.

April 27, 1967

Thomas Jefferson said that "the most important bill in our whole code is that for the diffusion of knowledge . . . No other surer foundation can be devised for the preservation of freedom and happiness."

I think that those words are even more true for the 20th century and the 36th President than they were for the 18th century and the 3rd President.

May 1, 1967

"There is a natural aristocracy among men," Thomas Jefferson once wrote. "The grounds of this are virtue and talent."

This evening the White House belongs to you who are members of that aristocracy, you who have proven your talent and you who have demonstrated your virtue.

July 4, 1967

Finally, let us, in our celebration today, offer a prayer of thanks for freedom and the blessings it has brought us. Let us look again to the divine providence, to whom Jefferson appealed. Let us ask Him to help us find the courage, the wisdom, and the commitment that will make the future of our freedom as bright as its past.

November 10, 1967

There is a phrase from our history that says it well. "The cement of this Union is the heart blood of every American."

Thomas Jefferson saw it truly. His faith has long been true of us. All that we have as a Nation we owe to our unity as a people. All that we work for now--the worth of all of our dreams and our sacrifices--hangs on how much unity we bring to the battleground where our beliefs and our future are at test.

At this moment in Vietnam, thousands of young Americans march with Jefferson. Tragically, but selflessly, they spill their "heart's blood" to defend again the vital interests of our Union--and of that wider union of free men who want only to live and to build in peace.

March 1, 1968

That is that control of the military will reside firmly and forever in the hands of men who are directly responsible to the people of the United States.

It was Thomas Jefferson who wrote that he knew of "no safe depository of the ultimate powers of the society but the people themselves .... "

April 24, 1968

In this vital year, as we approach our national decisions together, I believe that the example of such men from the heart of America must be the example that governs America's head.

When this Republic was born, Thomas Jefferson looked about at the energy and the creativity that stirred among the people in the first years of our freedom. He was excited and he was inspired at what he saw. He wrote to a friend. He said, "It is like a new time."

He could have been writing about our own day.

May 11, 1968

As you know, the relationship between Presidents and the press has always been a very intriguing one--sort of a lovers' quarrel.

I think all of us will remember what Thomas Jefferson said in 1787, that if he had to choose between "a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government," he would gladly choose the newspapers. And I think it's of some interest to note that Jefferson said that before he actually became President.

But eventually, of course, he became President Jefferson, and then he expressed his opinion this way, "Nothing can now be believed which is seen in a newspaper. Truth itself becomes suspicious by being put into that polluted vehicle."

And here is one more opinion about the press, "The only security of all is in a free press." And if that last one sounds to you like a platitude that's uttered by an eider statesman, then you are right. It too was spoken by Thomas Jefferson, in 1823, and that was long after he had retired to his little place in Virginia--the "TBJ Ranch."

May 29, 1968

Today, as in every time in our history, there are those who doubt the power of our democracy to make early and significant progress.

There are extremists whose aim is to rule--or to wreck. They speak only in slogans, and sometimes they are deaf--deaf to reasoned reply. They are chiefly united in the certainty with which they advance their views--and in the vehemence with which they mock the views of others.

Theirs is not the spirit of liberty--which Judge Learned Hand once defined as "the spirit which is not too sure that it is right."

Thomas Jefferson, the drafter of our Declaration of Independence, the great philosopher of individual liberty, and the defender of individual conscience, wrote a kinsman in 1808 that public men should from all student "disputants... keep aloof, as you would from the infected subjects of yellow fever or pestilence. Consider yourself, when with them, as among the patients of Bedlam, needing medical more than moral counsel. Be a listener only, keep within yourself . . . the habit of silence, especially on politics. In the fevered state of our country, no good can ever result from any attempt to set one of these fiery zealots to rights, either in fact or principle. They are determined as to the facts they will believe, and the opinions on which they will act. Get by them, therefore, as you would by an angry bull; it is not for a man of sense to dispute the road with such an animal."

I might point out that Thomas Jefferson wrote this during the last year of his Presidency.

It would be interesting to compare his views with those privately expressed by several modern presidents in recent weeks.

July 4, 1968

American independence was declared 192 years ago in a very bold political document commissioned by the Continental Congress and written by Thomas Jefferson.

The Declaration spelled out political independence for 13 former colonies. But it did much more than that. It explained the root and the reason for political difference and political independence--in any age, in any land: to enhance individual independence.

"All men are created equal"--they are entitled to "Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness," said the American Declaration. Since it was issued, that theme--political independence to insure individual independence-has been the bedrock of our domestic and our foreign policies in this land. It has been, and it remains, America's declaration to all the world.

Each generation in America discovers this theme as if it were new. And in a sense it is new. The thrust of America always, then, is to expand and to adjust the concept of independence to a new and a constantly changing era.

October 16, 1968

But standing in this room, we are not dead to the past. Here in this room we can hear the echo of Thomas Jefferson's words: "The most important bill in our whole code," he said, "is that for the diffusion of knowledge among the people. No other sure foundation can be devised for the preservation of freedom and happiness."

And we are not lost to the future. For those who have labored in this cause will be remembered--and that means all of you-as the men and the women who did much, as Jefferson said, "for the preservation of freedom and happiness." I don't know of any higher tribute that could be paid to any man or woman than to say that he fought the battle hard, he fought a good fight, and he preserved freedom and happiness, particularly in this hour when it is challenged in all corners of the world.

November 3, 1968

Thomas Jefferson declared that the "first object" of the great experiment in democracy is "that man may be governed by reason and truth."

President Richard Nixon

July 28, 1960

You will remember--listen--Thomas Jefferson said. "We act not for ourselves alone, but for the whole human race."

August 26, 1960

I think Thomas Jefferson put it as well as anybody when he said that States should be left to do whatever acts they can do as well as the Federal Government. And I am proud to say that our platform is based on that Jeffersonian principle, while the platform of our opponents completely denies it…

But you see, the reason why we believe in strong local government, in strong State government, State responsibility, rather than turning over to the Federal Government is this: Jefferson knew this. The American people must be reminded of it. The best guarantee of freedom is local government and diffusion of power. And when you allow all the power to be centered in Washington you attack the very fundamentals of freedom itself.

September 12, 1960

Now, of course, there are Democrats who share their views and there are Democrats who do not. There are differences in our party, too, and we recognize them. But just let me just read two quotes to you. Here's one: "If we can prevent the Government from wasting the labor of the people under the pretense of caring for them, they will be happy."

Do you know who said that? Not a Republican. That was Thomas Jefferson.

September 21, 1960

As I stand here in front of this great statue of Thomas Jefferson, I would say that the ideals for which he stands and for which he stood belong to all Americans and not just to one party, and I am proud to say that our platform adopted at Chicago is much closer to the principles of Thomas Jefferson than the platform adopted in Los Angeles - and that's why millions of Democrats are going to vote for our candidates.

October 3, 1960

When Thomas Jefferson lived, America was a weak country militarily, a weak country economically, but one of the strongest nations in the world. Why? Because she stood for something. Ideals that were bigger than America, ideals that Jefferson and his colleagues wrote into our Declaration of Independence and into our Constitution — our faith in God; our belief in the dignity of men; our belief in the right of all men to be free; our belief in the right of nations to be independent. These ideals caught the imagination of the world 180 years ago. They live today. They live in our hearts. They live abroad.

November 7, 1960

This is from Chauncey Williams and Bradley A. Walker, Stamford, Conn.:

We have two questions which we consider basic to this Nation's future. In over 180 years our Nation has grown from a wilderness colony to the most powerful nation on the earth. We all know that this great demonstration has come from free men working together in freedom. This reflects the wisdom of our Founding Fathers, one of whom, Thomas Jefferson, said: "The best government is the least government."

Do you believe this is true? Also, do you believe that big government means small people?

Vice President Richard Nixon:

Let me just touch the high points, because it does certainly deserve some response on these very key questions.

First I would say with regard to the quote from Thomas Jefferson that I'm very proud of the fact that the platform that my party adopted at Chicago is basically much closer to the philosophy of Thomas Jefferson than the platform which was adopted by the Democratic Party at Los Angeles.

Their platform went all the way toward centralized big government, toward having lack of good faith in individuals, toward weakening the States and weakening the responsibilities of local government.

It is my philosophy now, and it is the philosophy of our platform, that the Federal Government has great responsibilities, but that the closer you can keep government to the people, the better, and that wherever possible you should let individuals do for themselves rather than requiring government or having government move in.

October 20, 1968

From among his many achievements Thomas Jefferson toward the close of his life personally selected two he wanted most to be remembered by. He did not select his service as George Washington's Secretary of State — not the monumental fact that he had doubled our nation's area with the Louisiana Purchase — not even that he had served as the third President of the United States.

No, he wanted to be remembered as the author of the Declaration of Independence and as founder of the University of Virginia.

Jefferson knew that the destiny of America was inseparable from education — that in the fulfillment of the promise of this new nation education would be the key.

We have tried hard to hold to Jefferson's ideal. We have seen our schools and colleges flourish and grow, ever enriching our heritage.

Now almost two centuries after Jefferson we also know a sterner truth. The philosopher and educator, Alfred North Whitehead, warned: "In the conditions of modern life the rule is absolute: the race which does not value trained intelligence is doomed." So education, long the key to opportunity and fulfillment, is today also the key to survival.

So I pledge my Administration to be second to none in its concern for education. I pledge it because we will be second to none in our concern for America.

December 10, 1969

Americans have long given their first concerns to the protection and enhancement of Life and Liberty; we have reached the point in our history when we should give equal concern to "the Pursuit of Happiness."

This phrase of Jefferson's, enshrined in our Declaration of Independence, is defined today as "the quality of life." It encompasses a fresh dedication to protect and improve our environment, to give added meaning to our leisure and to make it possible for each individual to express himself freely and fully.

The attention and support we give the arts and the humanities--especially as they affect our young people--represent a vital part of our commitment to enhancing the quality of life for all Americans. The full richness of this nation's cultural life need not be the province of relatively few citizens centered in a few cities; on the contrary, the trend toward a wider appreciation of the arts and a greater interest in the humanities should be strongly encouraged, and the diverse culture of every region and community should be explored.

January 22, 1970

Listen to President Thomas Jefferson in 1802: We act not "for ourselves alone, but for the whole human race."

We had a spiritual quality then which caught the imagination of millions of people in the world.

Today, when we are the richest and strongest nation in the world, let it not be recorded that we lack the moral and spiritual idealism which made us the hope of the world at the time of our birth.

April 22, 1970

It was Jefferson, I think, who perhaps made the most cogent comment about the relationship between press and the Government. Those comments have been made through the years by various people. I understand I made one at one time. But whatever the case might be, Jefferson once said, as I recall, that if he had to make a choice between Government without newspapers and newspapers without Government, he would take the latter.

September 11, 1970

There is a phrase in the Declaration of Independence that is based on English political philosopher John Locke's concept of "life, liberty and property" being the inalienable rights of man. Thomas Jefferson's dream for the new nation transcended the material; he saw property rights not as an end in itself, but as one means to human happiness.

For that reason, he substituted the phrase "the pursuit of happiness," and that ideal has constantly reasserted itself-most recently as a renewed concern for "the quality of life."

That thread is woven through the fabric of American life over two centuries. It keeps us from getting smug about our success; it reminds us of the need for the spiritual as we attain more of our material needs; it keeps us moving, growing, changing for the better.

Improving the quality of life is, in a sense, a more compelling concept in this era of advanced technology than it was in the time of Jefferson. I believe that this is the area in which we will find the fundamental theme for our anniversary observance of the continuing revolution that is the United States of America.

March 25, 1971

Thomas Jefferson once put it this way: "I am certainly not an advocate for frequent and untried changes in laws and constitutions," he wrote, "but . . . laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind. As that becomes more developed, more enlightened, as new discoveries are made, new truths disclosed, and manners and opinions change with the change of circumstances, institutions must advance also, and keep pace with the times."

"Institutions must advance." Jefferson and his associates saw that point clearly in the late 18th century, and the fruit of their vision was a new nation. It is now for us--if our vision matches theirs--to renew the Government they created and thus give new life to our common dreams.

April 7, 1971

In a deeper sense, we have the choice of ending our involvement in this war on a note of despair or on a note of hope. I believe, as Thomas Jefferson did, that Americans will always choose hope over despair. We have it in our power to leave Vietnam in a way that offers a brave people a realistic hope of freedom. We have it in our power to prove to our friends in the world that America's sense of responsibility remains the world's greatest single hope of peace. And above all, we have it in our power to close a difficult chapter in American history, not meanly but nobly--so that each one of us can come out of this searing experience with a measure of pride in our Nation, confidence in our own character, and hope for the future of the spirit of America.

I know there are those who honestly believe that I should move to end this war without regard to what happens to South Vietnam. This way would abandon our friends. But even more important, we would abandon ourselves. We would plunge from the anguish of war into a nightmare of recrimination. We would lose respect for this Nation, respect for one another, respect for ourselves.

April 19, 1971

As heirs of the first American Revolution, you are in an excellent position to appreciate the pressing need for a new one. You know that the Declaration of Independence remains a living force in this Nation. You insist, and you should insist, that government derive its just powers from the consent of the governed.

And so you will not tolerate, and you should not tolerate, just as the Founding Fathers would not tolerate these circumstances--and now I am going to quote directly from the Declaration of Independence:

--circumstances which "erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent . . . swarms of Officers to harass our People, and eat out their substance";

--circumstances which altered "fundamentally the Forms of our Governments";

--circumstances which weakened our legislatures and imposed burdensome taxation.

Now, all of those circumstances happen to be from the "long train of abuses and usurpations" which Jefferson listed in the Declaration of Independence against the King of England.

But all of them, when you stop to think about it, also add up to a not very exaggerated description of the current condition of the Washington bureaucracy, the Federal system, and the State and local tax load here and now. And they convince me that the time has come now for a new American revolution, a peaceful revolution, to set things right, a peaceful revolution which will return power to the States, to the local communities, and to the people of America where it belongs.

Now, I hope you will agree, and that each of you in your communities will help us achieve this great goal; working together we can breathe new life into the ideals of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.

And now I would like to turn briefly just for a moment to another subject, which I know is of deep concern to this Congress of Patriots: America's mission of assistance to the country of South Vietnam. From the beginning, this Nation, as all of you know, has had a keen sense of worldwide responsibility.

Listen to Thomas Jefferson 196 years ago: We act not "for ourselves alone, but for the whole human race." We have always sought to set an example as a free people. We have always felt a strong kinship with other peoples struggling to be free.

Four times in this 20th century, World War I, World War II, Korea, now Vietnam, Americans have gone to war far away in defense of human liberty and national self-determination for other people. And this long and difficult and agonizing conflict in Vietnam over the past 10 years, a conflict in which the American role is now rapidly ending, is part of our national tradition of standing shoulder-to-shoulder with free nations menaced by outside aggression.

I say tonight--and I think it should be said--that we can be proud of the more than 2 million brave and honorable American men who have fought in Vietnam. War is always a terrible experience for a nation, and particularly difficult for those who participate in it; and particularly this war, where a nation seems to be and has been divided about it. But these men-and I have seen them there--time after time, by their humane conduct, their personal integrity, they have done credit to America's highest principles.

July 5, 1971

We stand for something that made this country the wonder of the world 195 years ago. Just think of it: 3 million people then, very poor, very weak by world standards, and yet Thomas Jefferson was able to say, we act not "for ourselves alone, but for the whole human race." He could not have said that and the world would not have believed him--and they did believe him--unless America stood for something other than wealth and strength.

What did it stand for? Well, first, it was a young nation, and second, it was an idealistic nation, and third, it was a nation that believed in itself, that had faith in God, and also that set very high purposes and very high goals for all people. That is why people came to America when they had the opportunity, because here there was more chance, more opportunity than in any nation in the world.

It is significant, incidentally, that this very desk on which we have certified this amendment was the desk that Thomas Jefferson used at the Continental Congress during the time that that Congress was meeting in Philadelphia. He used to stand up writing at that desk because while he was a relatively young man, not perhaps by your standards, but certainly by mine, only 33 years of age, he had arthritis and he therefore liked to write standing up.

February 4, 1972

Both to ensure that Washington itself is ready for 1976 and to spur Bicentennial activity all across the country, I shall outline to the Congress today an action plan for Federal partnership in the District of Columbia's Bicentennial observance.

My proposals follow two basic themes. One is the quest for quality of life--today's name for the age-old aspiration which Jefferson at the Nation's birth called "the pursuit of happiness." Here is the very essence of a Bicentennial celebrated "on the move." The past success of this quest, its present vigor, and its future prospects will provide a telling measure for our self-assessment as the great milestone nears. Such a theme's immediacy will call up exertion as well as congratulation--not only a birthday party but an actual rebirth.

The second theme which I would stress is dual excellence for Washington. In choosing which Bicentennial projects to pursue among myriad worthy possibilities, an old question arises again and again: Washington for Washingtonians, or Washington for all Americans? A kind of civic schizophrenia has troubled this city from the earliest days of its double existence as both a national capital and a community in its own right. Solutions going to both extremes have had their advocates--yet there is a better answer than either making thousands of people reside neglected in a strictly Federal city that is "a nice place to visit," or making millions of other people receive their governance from a narrowly provincial and self-centered capital where officials and visitors are classed as outsiders.

June 19, 1972

For decades in America, of course, our efforts in this regard seemed to run counter to tradition. When President Jefferson completed the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, he said it was necessary for us to think continentally. But he sometimes thought of the cities, as he had written to a friend, as "pestilential to the morals, the health, and the liberties of man."

August 4, 1972

Although Jefferson reminded us that "the earth belongs to the living, not to the dead," the value of historical preservation can no longer seriously be challenged. We need to know where we have been if we are to understand where we are--and who we are.

Although it is true that historical preservation of buildings may seem to many to 'have a low priority, we should not turn our backs upon these quiet, stately, authentic reminders of our heritage. As we look upon these structures we hear the voices of past heroes--strengthening our resolve to create a future that will be worthy of them.

October 8, 1972

John Volpe suggested that perhaps some of you in this great audience might not know that that band that you have heard tonight is also one that we owe to our Italian background. When Thomas Jefferson was first trying to get an appropriate band for the White House, he found that there were not enough good musicians in the then new Capital of the United States, and so he, who had traveled much in the world, sent people to Italy. They recruited Italians to come to join the Marines, and the Marine Band came from Italy. Now, if any of you think that that story is apocryphal just for this occasion, I can tell you something that I know has been checked historically, as has that story, and that is that over one-half of all of the leaders of this distinguished band, which is called the President's Band--it is the one that always plays in the White House--over one-half of them, over 180 years, have been men of Italian background. So it is the President's Band.

October 20, 1972

Thomas Jefferson believed in local government because he believed every person needed to feel that he is a participant in the affairs of government. By revitalizing grass roots government, revenue sharing can make it possible for more people to be participants in events that make a difference.

Under revenue sharing, more decisions will be made at the scene of the action-and this means that more people can have a piece of the action. By multiplying the centers of effective power in our country we will be multiplying the opportunities for involvement and influence by individual citizens.

December 9, 1972

The ink was barely dry on the Constitution of the United States of America in the autumn of 1787 when leading patriots and statesmen of the young Republic took up the cry for amendments affording written guarantees of basic human freedoms under the proposed national government. "A bill of rights is what the people are entitled to against every government on earth . . ." Thomas Jefferson wrote, "and what no just government should refuse or rest on inference."

The idea that every individual was endowed by his Creator with rights no sovereign or majority could take away was thought dangerous and radical over much of the globe in those days, but it ran deep in the American grain even then. The very first Congress proposed a Bill of Rights, and by 1791 its proposals had become the first ten amendments to our Constitution.

Since that time, exactly as James Madison predicted to Jefferson that they would do, "the political truths declared in that solemn manner (have acquired) by degrees the character of fundamental maxims of free government." They have inspired our own Nation's accelerating efforts to assure every American full equality and dignity before the law, and they have shone as a beacon for the rising aspirations of peoples around the world.

March 30, 1973

We get a sense of the Federal-State system, and we also understand how far we have come away from it. It doesn't make any difference whether you take Adams, the Federalist, or Jefferson, the man who was the Democrat, or, as a matter of fact, he was first called a Republican, which shows you how things have changed. But, in any event, Jefferson or Andrew Jackson or John Quincy Adams, those deadly rivals, or up through the years even to the beginning of the 20th century, you will find that there was a deep belief in the federal system. There was a deep confidence in the responsibility and also the ability of State and local governments.

April 14, 1973

I am very touched by the gift [a handcrafted sterling silver globe symbolizing his efforts for world peace] that has been presented. It is one that will find its way into the Presidential library at an appropriate time but between now and then will be on the Presidential desk. It particularly is meaningful because of what it symbolizes, not simply what Jefferson said about a President wanting peace more than anything else, but what Jefferson said about all Presidents wanting peace above everything else.

October 26, 1973

This, incidentally, is not a new attitude on the part of a President. Every President since George Washington has tried to protect the confidentiality of Presidential conversations, and you remember the famous case involving Thomas Jefferson where Chief Justice Marshall, then sitting as a trial judge, subpoenaed the letter which Jefferson had written which Marshall thought or felt was necessary evidence in the trial of Aaron Burr. Jefferson refused to do so, but it did not result in a suit. What happened was, of course, a compromise in which a summary of the contents of the letter which was relevant to the trial was produced by Jefferson, and the Chief Justice of the United States, acting in his capacity as Chief Justice, accepted that.

November 17, 1973

I could just say in that respect, too, that I have referred to what I called the Jefferson rule. It is the rule, I think; that we should generally follow--a President should follow--with the courts when they want information, and a President should also follow with committees of Congress, when they want information from his personal files.

Jefferson, as you know, in that very, very famous case, had correspondence which it was felt might bear upon the guilt or innocence of Aaron Burr. Chief Justice Marshall, sitting as a trial judge, held that Jefferson, as President, had to turn over the correspondence. Jefferson refused.

What he did was to turn over a summary of the correspondence, all that he considered was proper to be turned over for the purposes of the trial.

And then Marshall, sitting as Chief Justice, ruled for the President.

Now, why did Jefferson do that? Jefferson didn't do that to protect Jefferson. He did that to protect the Presidency. And that is exactly what I will do in these cases. It isn't for the purpose of protecting the President; it is for the purpose of seeing that the Presidency, where great decisions have to be made--and great decisions cannot be made unless there is very free flow of Conversation, and that means confidentiality--I have a responsibility to protect that Presidency.

February 18, 1974

And then there is one final element of the greatness of this country that I refer to, and it is this: America has always been driven forward by a sense of destiny. Thomas Jefferson said when this country was being founded, when the Declaration of Independence, which is inscribed behind us here at this park, when it was written, he said we act not for ourselves alone, but for the whole human race.

When you stop to think about it, that was a rather presumptuous thing for a man to say at that time, speaking of a weak, poor country like America. But Jefferson, and Washington before him, and other Presidents after them, also had that sense of vision, and today it is true.

February 20, 1974

"Health," wrote Thomas Jefferson, nearly two centuries ago, "is the first requisite after morality." Today, as we approach our Bicentennial as a nation, we can lay the foundations for a balanced health care system that will convert the age-old ideal of high quality health care for all into a new American reality. I urge the Congress to act rapidly on the measures I am proposing to achieve the objective we all share.

March 8, 1974

Neither is it right to make millions of Americans pay the cost of the political activities of individuals and parties with which they might totally disagree. This even goes beyond taxation without representation. Thomas Jefferson in the Statute of Religious Freedom said that "To compel a man to furnish contributions of money for the propagation of opinions which he disbelieves and abhors, is sinful and tyrannical."

April 25, 1974

Let me say to you, my friends, that today that is the challenge we face. Our challenge, then, is not just for ourselves alone. Our challenge is about the whole human race.

That is not original with me. Thomas Jefferson said it much better when America was very young and very poor and very weak. At the time of the signing of the Declaration of Independence, he said we act not just for ourselves alone, we act for the whole human race.

July 3, 1974

In the early years of our Nation's history, after America had won its independence, Thomas Jefferson said we act not just for ourselves alone but for the whole human race.

As we prepare tomorrow to celebrate the anniversary of that independence, the 198th anniversary, we as Americans can be proud that we have been true to Jefferson's vision and that, as a result of America's initiative, that universal goal of peace is now closer, closer not only for ourselves but for all mankind.

President Gerald Ford

February 25, 1975

As Thomas Jefferson wrote Lafayette: "We are not to be expected to be translated from despotism to liberty in a featherbed."

And the Americans who inherited the new form of government knew what Jefferson meant. They did not fail us. We are here today because no ensuing generation of our fellow Americans found self-government to be a featherbed.

April 19, 1975

Thomas Jefferson wrote of change in the light of American principles, and he said, "Nothing, then, is unchangeable but the inherent and inalienable rights of man." Jefferson accepted change in the ordinary course of human events, but he rejected any fundamental change in the principles of our Republic, the inalienable rights of man.

June 4, 1975

I think it is instructive to recall that this Academy was founded during the Jeffersonian administration. Thomas Jefferson was consistently suspicious of large standing armies and an ardent supporter in his insistence on civilian authority over the military. Nevertheless, Thomas Jefferson was a champion of quality and educational excellence. President Jefferson knew that freedom's defense could not be entrusted to amateurs in a world of expansionist powers and opportunistic pirates. Whatever price our poor and youthful Republic had to pay for its full independence and the protection of its lawful interest, Jefferson and the Congress of his day--and, I might add, the people--were willing to pay.

July 1, 1975

Thomas Jefferson once remarked that health is the first requisite after morality. The overall survival of our Nation depends in large measure on the health of its people. We can only be strong, prosperous, productive people to the extent that we are also a healthy people.

September 13, 1975

I have the deepest confidence in America's future and our educational resources. The schools of this Nation--private as well as public--can help to inspire the lives of Americans with new meaning and with new quality. Both private and public educators must combine their genius in preparing men and women for our challenges of the third century.

I urge you in the words of Thomas Jefferson to "enlighten the public generally, and tyranny and oppressions of body and mind will vanish like evil spirits at the dawn of day."

November 5, 1975

When the new Constitution was being discussed in 1787, Thomas Jefferson complained in a letter to James Madison of the absence of a Bill of Rights, saying: "Let me add that a bill of rights is what the people are entitled to against every government on earth, general or particular; and what no just government should refuse, or rest on inferences."

Madison became convinced of the need for a Bill of Rights and wrote Jefferson: "The political truths declared in that solemn manner acquire by degrees the character of fundamental maxims of free government, and as they become incorporated with the National sentiment, counteract the impulses of interest and passion." In the First Congress, Madison, the principal proponent of those amendments to the Constitution known as the Bill of Rights, defended them in these words: "If they are incorporated into the constitution, independent tribunals of justice will consider themselves in a peculiar manner the guardians of those rights; they will be an impenetrable bulwark against every assumption of power in the legislative or executive. . . ."

April 13, 1976

Thank you very, very much, Secretary Kleppe. Captain Barnes, distinguished guests--including the fine choir from the College of William and Mary, Thomas Jefferson's alma mater--ladies and gentlemen:

Today we pay tribute to Thomas Jefferson. Two hundred years of American history have produced no man whose achievements are better known. In his own epitaph he cited just three--author of the Declaration of American Independence, author of the Statute of Virginia for Religious Freedom, and father of the University of Virginia.

Had those been only his basic accomplishments, he would have earned his place in history and our unyielding gratitude. But we know Jefferson in other ways as well. We know the character of the man who embodied our national heritage by encompassing the spirit of pioneer and aristocrat, American and world citizen, the values of nature and the values of civilization.

In politics, we know him as a lawyer and as a legislator, as a member of the Continental Congress, Ambassador to France, our Nation's third President, and its first Secretary of State. In our national life, we know him as a scientist and agronomist, as an artist, architect, and inventor.

Thomas Jefferson's achievements range from our decimal system of coinage to the great area of our Nation itself, which he doubled through the Louisiana Purchase. But Thomas Jefferson's contribution to our Nation's history is far, far more than the sum of these diverse accomplishments. The very range of his interests has heightened his impact on later generations.

It is a quirk of history that Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, both signers of the Declaration of Independence, died on July 4, 1826, 50 years to the day of its adoption. John Adams' last words were, "Jefferson still lives." History shows Adams was wrong, because Jefferson had died a mere 5 hours earlier. But history also has confirmed Adams' words, because Thomas Jefferson lives in each of us.

We are all his successors, and it is up to us, not history, to see that Jefferson's faith survives. Great citizens and their great thoughts are not just for their own time but forever. And Jefferson's true importance lies in the fact that he continues to speak of the American experience.

In every generation, Americans have turned to Jefferson for comfort and inspiration. They have found new meanings, often conflicting meanings, in his words. In their search for Jefferson's spirit, Americans have sought themselves. To Abraham Lincoln, the principles of Jefferson were the definitions and axioms of free society, a society he was struggling to preserve. And Lincoln, the Great Emancipator, gave those principles new significance.

Three generations later, another great American leader, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, locked in another war for freedom, dedicated this memorial as a shrine to freedom. On the 200th anniversary of Jefferson's birth, he called for a commitment to Jefferson's cause not by words alone, but by sacrifice.

In this 200th year of the Nation Jefferson helped to found, it seems our America has changed so much that when we compare it with Jefferson's America, the differences are more striking than the similarities. We are no longer a young, isolated, agricultural nation, but an industrial giant in a nuclear age.

Thomas Jefferson would have been the first to recognize that different times demand different policies. He stressed that the Earth belongs always to the living generation. In our Bicentennial Year, we turn once again to Jefferson's words and find them surprisingly modern. Jefferson's principle of limited government, his concern about excessive centralization of governmental power at the expense of State and local responsibility and individual freedom are as much a part of the debate of 1976 as they were in 1776.

I believe that in this debate, the wisdom and the philosophy of Jefferson will prevail. We find he believed that not every difference of opinion is a difference of principle and that he tolerated error in the confidence that truth would triumph.

Jefferson was a fervent believer in freedom of the press. Although harshly attacked and often vilified, he maintained an unfettered press was essential to American freedom. We find the meaning of democracy in his immortal words, that "though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful must be reasonable; that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal laws must protect."

We find he put his trust in the people whom he believed to be basically moderate, patriotic, and freedom-loving. And we find above all else his love for freedom and independence. Today, we recognize this in two symbolic gestures.

Jefferson's belief in the freedom and independence of the human mind we honor today by an act of Congress, which names one building of the Library of Congress after him. And Jefferson's belief in the freedom and independence of the American people we honor today by an act of Congress, which designates today as Thomas Jefferson Day.

I believe as we move into our third century of independence, there will be an even greater emphasis by our people to find ways and means to meet our needs, while limiting the role of government in the classical Jeffersonian sense. I see the third century of American independence as a century of individualism. I see it as a century of personal achievement and fulfillment for all Americans.

Let us honor Thomas Jefferson this year and throughout the next century of our independence by weaving into our national life the qualities, the talents, and the ideals which were the warp and woof of his.

Let us practice the responsible individualism, and thereby pay tribute to the man we commemorate here. Let us dedicate ourselves to achievement, so that we may make this country what it has the potential to be. Let us maintain for America its rightful place of leadership in the councils of nations of the world. Let us extend the boundaries of human freedom here at home and beyond our shores. Let us accept and discharge the responsibility as a people upon whom providence has bestowed so much. Let us be enlightened as a nation with appreciation for learning, for reason, and for justice for all our people.

In this way, my fellow Americans, we shall pay honor to the man from Monticello. It is now my honor to sign two pieces of legislation relating to Thomas Jefferson. I would like to ask the Members of Congress present to join me at the signing table.

It is now my pleasure to sign House Joint Resolution 670, designating April 13 as Thomas Jefferson Day. Representative Bob McClory was the principal sponsor, and so as I sign this, I will give him this pen and we will distribute the others.

Now, it is my honor to sign S. 2920, the legislation which officially designates the Library of Congress Annex as the Library of Congress Thomas Jefferson Building. And I think on this occasion, it would be appropriate to give this pen to the senior Senator from Virginia, the Honorable Harry Byrd.

Thank you.

April 28, 1976

In our Bicentennial Year, Law Day takes on a very special significance, for our Founding Fathers in establishing this country dared to put the ultimate authority into the hands of those described in the first three words of the Constitution: "We the people .... "

Not all men accepted this idea. Thomas Jefferson, in his first inaugural address recognized that some honest men feared a republican government could not be strong, but Thomas Jefferson disagreed with them. He believed this to be the strongest government on Earth. He said, and I quote: "I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of law would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet [every] invasion of the public order as his own personal concern."

Jefferson touched the very heart of our national fate. He said history would tell whether men could be trusted to govern themselves, and history has its answer.

Two centuries later, the United States of America is still a country where the people make the laws and the people obey them, and the United States of America still has the strongest and the freest form of government on this Earth, and that is why we can say we are very proud to be Americans.

May 11, 1976

Two hundred years ago, one of this Nation's Founding Fathers and a man of great intellect--Thomas Jefferson--observed, "Knowledge is power; knowledge is safety; knowledge is happiness."

Jefferson knew, as did the other great leaders who established this republic, that the pursuit and wise application of new knowledge are essential to any nation's progress. They encouraged exploration, new methods of agriculture, the establishment of scientific societies and institutions of higher learning, and protection and improvement of the Nation's health. They supported those who sought to expand America's physical and intellectual frontiers--our explorers, scientists, inventors, engineers, and teachers.

July 2, 1976

I am standing here before the great charters of American liberty under law. Millions of Americans, before me and after me, will have looked and lingered over these priceless documents that have guided our 200 years of high adventure as "a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal." Those were Lincoln's words as he looked to the Declaration of Independence for guidance when a raging storm obscured the Constitution. We are gathered here tonight to honor both.

Even the way these parchments are displayed is instructive--together, as they must be historically understood, the Constitution and its first 10 amendments on an equal plane; the Declaration of Independence properly central and above all.

The Declaration is the Polaris of our political order--the fixed star of freedom. It is impervious to change because it states moral truths that are eternal.

The Constitution provides for its own changes having equal force with the original articles. It began to change soon after it was ratified, when the Bill of Rights was added. We have since amended it 16 times more, and before we celebrate our 300th birthday, there will be more changes.

But the Declaration will be there, exactly as it was when the Continental Congress adopted it--after eliminating and changing some of Jefferson's draft, much to his annoyance. Jefferson's immortal words will remain, and they will be preserved in human hearts even if this original parchment should fall victim to time and fate.

Listen: "We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness--That to secure these Rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just Powers from the Consent of the Governed .... "

The act of independence, the actual separation of colonies and Crown, took place 200 years ago today, when the delegations of 12 colonies adopted Richard Henry Lee's resolution of independence. The founders expected that July 2 would be celebrated as the national holiday of the newborn Republic, but they took 2 more days to debate and to approve this declaration and announcement to the world of what they had done and the reasons why.

The Declaration and other great documents of our heritage remind me of the flying machines across the Mall in the new museum we opened yesterday. From the Spirit of St. Louis to the lunar orbital capsules, we see vehicles that enabled Americans to cross vast distances in space. In our archives and in our libraries, we find documents to transport us across centuries in time--back to Mount Sinai and the Sea of Galilee, to Runnymede, to the pitching cabin of the Mayflower, and to sweltering Philadelphia in midsummer, 1776.

If we maneuver our time vehicle along to 1787, we see the chamber of Independence Hall, where the Constitution is being drafted under the stern eye of George Washington. Some other faces are familiar. Benjamin Franklin is there, of course, and Roger Sherman of Connecticut. Thomas Jefferson has gone to Paris. The quiet genius of this Convention is James Madison.

But Jefferson's principles are very much present. The Constitution, when it is done, will translate the great ideals of the Declaration into a legal mechanism for effective government where the unalienable rights of individual Americans are secure.

In grade school we were taught to memorize the first and last parts of the Declaration. Nowadays, even many scholars skip over the long recitation of alleged abuses by King George III and his misguided ministers. But occasionally we ought to read them, because the injuries and invasions of individual rights listed there are the very excesses of government power which the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and subsequent amendments were designed to prevent.

The familiar parts of the Declaration describe the positives of freedom; the dull part, the negatives. Not all the rights of free people--nor all the necessary powers of government--can be enumerated in one writing or for all time, as Madison and his colleagues made plain in the 9th and 10th amendments.

But the source of all unalienable rights, the proper purposes for which governments are instituted among men, and the reasons why free people should consent to an equitable ordering of their God-given freedom have never been better stated than by Jefferson in our Declaration of Independence. Life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness are cited as being among the most precious endowments of the Creator--but not the only ones.

Earlier, Jefferson wrote that "The God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same time." This better explains the bold assertion that "all Men are created equal" which Americans have debated for two centuries. We obviously are not equal in size or wisdom or strength or fortune. But we are all born--having had nothing to say about it at all--and from the moment we have a life of our own, we have a liberty of our own, and we receive both in equal shares. We are all born free in the eyes of God.

That eternal truth is the great promise of the Declaration, but it certainly was not self-evident to most of mankind in 1776. I regret to say it is not universally accepted in 1976. Yet the American adventure not only proclaimed it; for 200 years we have consistently sought to prove it true. The Declaration is the promise of freedom; the Constitution continuously seeks the fulfillment of freedom. The Constitution was created and continues--as its preamble states--"to secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity."

The great promise of the Declaration requires far more than the patriot sacrifices of the American Revolution, more than the legal stabilizer of the Constitution, more than Lincoln's successful answer to the question of whether a nation so conceived and so dedicated could long endure.

What does the Declaration declare?--that all human beings have certain rights as a gift from God; that these rights cannot lawfully be taken away from any man or woman by any human agency, monarchy, or democracy; that all governments derive their just powers from the people, who consent to be governed in order to secure their rights and to effect their safety and their happiness.

Thus, both rights and powers belong to the people--the rights equally apportioned to every individual, the powers to the people as a whole.

This November the American people will, under the Constitution, again give their consent to be governed. This free and secret act should be a reaffirmation, by every eligible American, of the mutual pledges made 200 years ago by John Hancock and the others whose untrembling signatures we can still make out.

Jefferson said that the future [Earth] belongs to the living. We stand awed in the presence of these great charters--not by their beauty, not by their antiquity, but because they belong to us. We return thanks that they have guided us safely through two centuries of national independence, but the excitement of this occasion is that they still work.

All around our Nation's Capital are priceless collections of America's great contributions to the world, but many of them are machines no longer used, inventions no longer needed, clothes no longer worn, books no longer read, songs no longer sung.

Not so the Constitution, which works for us daily, changing slowly to meet new needs; not so the Bill of Rights, which protects us day and night in the exercise of our fundamental freedoms--to pray, to publish, to speak as we please.

Above all stands the magnificent Declaration, still the fixed star of freedom for the United States of America.

Let each of us, in this year of our Bicentennial, join with those brave and farsighted Americans of 1776. Let us, here and now, mutually pledge to the ennobling and enduring principles of the Declaration our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. Let us do so, as they did, with firm reliance on the protection of divine providence, that the future of this land that we love may be ever brighter for our children and for generations of Americans yet to be born.

July 3, 1976

No nation has a richer heritage than we do, for America has it all. The United States is probably the only country on Earth that puts the pursuit of happiness right after life and liberty among the God-given rights of every human being.

When Jefferson wrote that, he pulled off an historic switch. For a long time, English law had used the phrase "life, liberty, and property" to describe the most precious things that couldn't be taken away from anybody without due legal process.

But Jefferson dropped property in the Declaration of Independence and substituted the pursuit of happiness. Like any good politician, Jefferson knew how to say exactly what he meant when he wanted to. So, life and liberty are plain enough to everybody, but Jefferson never did say what he meant by the pursuit of happiness.

If we have liberty, how each of us pursues happiness is up to us. However you define it, the United States of America has been a happy nation over the past 200 years. Nobody is happy all the time, but most of the people have been happy most of the time. Even in our darkest hours, we have managed a little fun.

July 4, 1976

On Washington's birthday in 1861, a fortnight after six States had formed a confederacy of their own, Abraham Lincoln came here to Independence Hall knowing that in 10 days he would face the cruelest national crisis of our 85-year history.

"I am filled with deep emotion," he said, "at finding myself standing here in the place where collected together the wisdom, the patriotism, the devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which we live."

Today, we can all share these simple, noble sentiments. Like Lincoln, I feel both pride and humility, rejoicing and reverence as I stand in the place where two centuries ago the United States of America was conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

From this small but beautiful building, then the most imposing structure in the Colonies, came the two great documents that continue to supply the moral and intellectual power for the American adventure in self-government.
Before me is the great bronze bell that joyously rang out the news of the birth of our Nation from the steeple of the State House. It was never intended to be a church bell. Yet a generation before the great events of 1776, the elected assembly of Pennsylvania ordered it to be inscribed with this Biblical verse: "Proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof."

The American settlers had many, many hardships, but they had more liberty than any other people on Earth. That was what they came for and what they meant to keep. The verse from Leviticus on the Liberty Bell refers to the ancient Jewish year of Jubilee. In every 50th year, the Jubilee restored the land and the equality of persons that prevailed when the children of Israel entered the land of promise, and both gifts came from God, as the Jubilee regularly reminded them.

Our Founding Fathers knew their Bibles as well as their Blackstone. They boldly reversed the age-old political theory that kings derive their powers from God and asserted that both powers and unalienable rights belong to the people as direct endowments from their Creator. Furthermore, they declared that governments are instituted among men to secure their rights and to serve their purposes, and governments continue only so long as they have the consent of the governed.

With George Washington already commanding the American Continental Army in the field, the Second Continental Congress met here in 1776, not to demand new liberty, but to regain long-established rights which were being taken away from them without their consent.

The American Revolution was unique and remains unique in that it was fought in the name of the law as well as liberty. At the start, the Declaration of Independence proclaimed the divine source of individual rights and the purpose of human government as Americans understood it. That purpose is to secure the rights of the individuals against even government itself. But the Declaration did not tell us how to accomplish this purpose or what kind of government to set up.

First, our independence had to be won. It was not won easily, as the nearby encampment of Valley Forge, the rude bridge at Concord, and the crumbling battlements of Yorktown bear vivid interest.

We have heard much, though we cannot hear it too often, about 56 Americans who cast their votes and later signed their names to Thomas Jefferson's ringing declaration of equality and freedom so movingly read to us this morning by Miss Marian Anderson.

Do you know what price the signers of that parchment paid for their patriotism, the devotion to principle of which Lincoln spoke? John Hancock of Massachusetts was one of the wealthiest men who came to Philadelphia. Later, as he stood outside Boston and watched the enemy sweep by, he said, "Burn, Boston, though it makes John Hancock a beggar."

Altogether, of the 56 men who signed our great Declaration, 5 were taken prisoner, 12 had their homes sacked, 2 lost their sons, 9 died in the war itself. Those men knew what they were doing. In the final stirring words of the Declaration, they pledged to one another "our lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor." And when liberty was at stake, they were willing to pay the price.

We owe a great debt to these founders and to the foot soldiers who followed General Washington into battle after battle, retreat after retreat. But it is important to remember that final success in that struggle for independence, as in the many struggles that have followed, was due to the strength and support of ordinary men and women who were motivated by three powerful impulses-personal freedom, self-government, and national unity.

For all but the black slaves--many of whom fought bravely beside their masters because they also heard the promise of the Declaration--freedom was won in 1783, but the loose Articles of Confederation had proved inadequate in war and were even less effective in peace.

Again in 1787, representatives of the people and the States met in this place to form a more perfect union, a permanent legal mechanism that would translate the principles and purposes of Jefferson's Declaration into effective self-government.

Six signers of the Declaration came back to forge the Constitution, including the sage of Philadelphia, Benjamin Franklin. Jefferson had replaced him as Ambassador in Paris. The young genius of the Constitutional Convention was another Virginian, James Madison. The hero of the Revolution, Washington, was called back from Mount Vernon to preside.

Seldom in history have the men who made a revolution seen it through, but the United States was fortunate. The result of their deliberations and compromises was our Constitution, which William Gladstone, a great British Prime Minister, called "the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and purpose of man."

The Constitution was created to make the promise of the Declaration come true. The Declaration was not a protest against government but against the excesses of government. It prescribed the proper role of government to secure the rights of individuals and to effect their safety and their happiness. In modern society, no individual can do this all alone, so government is not necessarily evil but a necessary good.

The framers of the Constitution feared a central government that was too strong, as many Americans rightly do today. The framers of the Constitution, after their experience under the Articles, feared a central government that was too weak, as many Americans rightly do today. They spent days studying all of the contemporary governments of Europe and concluded with Dr. Franklin that all contained the seeds of their own destruction. So the framers built something new, drawing upon their English traditions, on the Roman Republic, on the uniquely American institution of the town meeting. To reassure those who felt the original Constitution did not sufficiently spell out the unalienable rights of the Declaration, the First United States Congress added--and the States ratified--the first 10 amendments, which we call the Bill of Rights.

Later, after a tragic, fraternal war, those guarantees were expanded to include all Americans. Later still, voting rights were assured for women and for younger citizens 18 to 21 years of age.

It is good to know that in our own lifetime we have taken part in the growth of freedom and in the expansion of equality which began here so long ago. This union of corrected wrongs and expanded rights has brought the blessings of liberty to the 215 million Americans, but the struggle for life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness is never truly won. Each generation of Americans, indeed of all humanity, must strive to achieve these aspirations anew. Liberty is a living flame to be fed, not dead ashes to be revered, even in a Bicentennial Year.

It is fitting that we ask ourselves hard questions even on a glorious day like today. Are the institutions under which we live working the way they should? Are the foundations laid in 1776 and 1789 still strong enough and sound enough to resist the tremors of our times? Are our God-given rights secure, our hard-won liberties protected?

The very fact that we can ask these questions, that we can freely examine and criticize our society, is cause for confidence itself. Many of the voices raised in doubt 200 years ago served to strengthen and improve the decisions finally made.

The American adventure is a continuing process. As one milestone is passed, another is sighted. As we achieve one goal--a longer life span, a literate population, a leadership in world affairs--we raise our sights.

As we begin our third century, there is still so much to be done. We must increase the independence of the individual and the opportunity of all Americans to attain their full potential. We must ensure each citizen's right to privacy. We must create a more beautiful America, making human works conform to the harmony of nature. We must develop a safer society, so ordered that happiness may be pursued without fear of crime or manmade hazards. We must build a more stable international order, politically, economically, and legally. We must match the great breakthroughs of the past century by improving health and conquering disease. We must continue to unlock the secrets of the universe beyond our planet as well as within ourselves. We must work to enrich the quality of American life at work, at play, and in our homes.

It is right that Americans are always improving. It is not only right, it is necessary. From need comes action, as it did here in Independence Hall. Those fierce political rivals--John Adams and Thomas Jefferson--in their later years carried out a warm correspondence. Both died on the Fourth of July of 1826, having lived to see the handiwork of their finest hour endure a full 50 years.

They had seen the Declaration's clear call for human liberty and equality arouse the hopes of all mankind. Jefferson wrote to Adams that "even should the cloud of barbarism and despotism again obscure the science and libraries of Europe, this country remains to preserve and restore life [light] and liberty to them."

Over a century later, in 1936, Jefferson's dire prophesy seemed about to come true. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, speaking for a mighty nation, reinforced by millions and millions of immigrants who had joined the American adventure, was able to warn the new despotisms: "We too, born to freedom, and believing in freedom, are willing to fight to maintain freedom. We, and all others who believe as deeply as we do, would rather die on our feet than live on our knees."

The world knows where we stand. The world is ever conscious of what Americans are doing for better or for worse, because the United States today remains the most successful realization of humanity's universal hope.

The world may or may not follow, but we lead because our whole history says we must. Liberty is for all men and women as a matter of equal and unalienable right. The establishment of justice and peace abroad will in large measure depend upon the peace and justice we create here in our own country, where we still show the way.

The American adventure began here with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence. It continues in a common conviction that the source of our blessings is a loving God, in whom we trust. Therefore, I ask all the members of the American family, our guests and friends, to join me now in a moment of silent prayer and meditation in gratitude for all that we have received and to ask continued safety and happiness for each of us and for the United States of America.

President Jimmy Carter

May 4, 1974

I've read parts of the embarrassing transcripts, and I've seen the proud statement of a former attorney general, who protected his boss, and now brags on the fact that he tiptoed through a mine field and came out "clean." I can't imagine somebody like Thomas Jefferson tiptoeing through a mine field on the technicalities of the law, and then bragging about being clean afterwards.

I think our people demand more than that. I believe that everyone in this room who is in a position of responsibility as a preserver of the law in its purest form ought to remember the oath that Thomas Jefferson and others took when they practically signed their own death warrant, writing the Declaration of Independence—to preserve justice and equity and freedom and fairness, they pledged their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor.

September 13, 1976

We haven't had a farmer in the White House since Thomas Jefferson. We haven't had a small businessman in the White House since Hany Truman. And so we're going to bring a lot of good things to the White House after this election.

May 18, 1977

The founders of the Republic knew that you had to restrain power with law, and that's what we proposed to do in this bill. As Thomas Jefferson, who built the colonnades around us once said, "Put not your faith in man, but bind him down with the chains of the Constitution." And I believe this bill is one of the links in that chain.

October 5, 1977

A government entering this covenant states explicitly that there are sharp limits on its own powers over the lives of its people. But as Thomas Jefferson once wrote about the Bill of Rights, which became part of our own American Republic, and I quote again from Thomas Jefferson: "These are fetters against doing evil which no honest government should decline."

September 27, 1978

We not only reach out to people but we bring them into the heart of things, into our hearts individually and personally and into the heart of our political organization to let their own lives be magnified and influenced. This is the essence of the Democratic Party, the party of Thomas Jefferson.

December 8, 1978

Ours is a party of practical dreamers. Thomas Jefferson conceived of the United States of America as no other nation had ever tried to be—dedicated to human fulfillment, where individual liberty was guaranteed. But Thomas Jefferson also founded a university; he collected a national library; he planned beautiful cities; he mapped the wilderness; and as a farmer, he invented a better plow-typical of Democrats. Time and again in our history, the Democratic Party has given new life and new meaning to our Nation's oldest dreams.

January 25, 1979

As we begin a new year, I repledge my Administration to time, energy, and imagination essential to build a new Foundation for a world of peace, prosperity and human justice. Together, America's Congress, its people, and its President cannot only master the many challenges of change, but make them a part of our Nation's purpose in the world. In so doing, we can bring America closer to that "more perfect union" of Jefferson's dream in a wider and more secure global community congenial to our values, interests and ideals.

April 25, 1979

In 1818, the founder of our party, Thomas Jefferson, looked back on his long years of service to the Nation, and he noted with pride—I quote from him, "During the period of my administration, not a drop of the blood of a single fellow citizen was shed by the sword of war."

I am also proud that not a single drop of American blood has been shed in war during my own administration. And I pray to God every day that when my years as President are over that I can still share Thomas Jefferson's achievement.

May 7, 1980

Thomas Jefferson spoke with equal force on the subject of education when he said, "No more sure foundation can be devised for the preservation of freedom and happiness." Both Washington, our first President, and Thomas Jefferson, who perhaps was the most intellectually gifted of all, recognized that education can mean happiness, not just to an individual but also to a nation.

July 4, 1980

As you all know, 204 years ago today America declared its independence with a truth that still sets people free throughout a troubled world, that all people are endowed with rights that cannot be bought or sold, rights that no power on Earth can justly deny. But the Declaration that we celebrate unfortunately avoided another truth. When Jefferson condemnation of the King of England for refusing to end the slave trade was struck from the final draft, Thomas Jefferson said, "I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just." All of us know how violent were the wounds that this contradiction caused; 200 years later we're still working to heal them.

October 3, 1980

One of Virginia's greatest sons, about whom I think frequently, living in the White House, Thomas Jefferson, set forth the dream of a system of general education which shall reach every description of our citizens from the richest to the poorest. Making Jefferson's dream live and come true has been the business of our Nation under Presidents and Congresses of both parties…

We Americans do not fear competition in the marketplace of ideas. We do not repress those who have a different ideology from us. We do not stifle competing thoughts. Instead we followed Jefferson's advice, "Enlighten the people generally," he said, "and tyranny and oppressions of body and mind will vanish like evil spirits in the dawn of a new day."

We often bear the argument that education deserves our support because it contributes to the economic strength of our Nation. That's certainly true. But the real meaning of education goes far beyond that, much deeper. In its broadest sense, education, the question of understanding and knowledge of ourselves, our fellow human beings and God's universe, is not a means to some end, but rather an end in itself.

Education and liberty are part of the same search for truth, and education and liberty are unthinkable without each other. Let me quote Jefferson once more. "The education of the people," he wrote, "can alone make them the safe, as they are the sole repository of our political and religious freedom." So, political and religious freedom depend upon education.

President Ronald Reagan

October 19, 1980

The home in which Nancy and I are temporarily living in the Virginia countryside during this campaign is only a relatively short distance away from the home of a great American President, Thomas Jefferson.

In his first Inaugural Address, Jefferson spoke of "the preservation of the general government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and our safety abroad." He knew that peace in the world depended on the strength of our nation in its "whole constitutional vigor."

Jefferson loved America and the cause of peace too – too much ever to give in or appeal to fear and doubt.

October 9, 1981

Whenever I find my battery is running down, I like to go over to the monument, not so far from here, erected to the memory of that great American patriot who wrote down in immortal words the fundamental faith and philosophy which gave our Nation its birth and its greatness, Thomas Jefferson.

You've been there. And on the corona, in giant letters above his head, are these words of his personal declaration: "I have sworn upon the altar of God eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man."

Now, that, to the best of my ability, has been the basic standard by which I tried to judge which of the various solutions being offered for this, that, or the other difficult problem for our country was right or nearest right. And that's what we're trying to do in retirement.

October 18, 1981 7:30pm

I wish I could take the time to salute all the rest of you individually, but where would I begin? If I may paraphrase a former President, this is the most extraordinary collection of human talent ever to gather in Williamsburg since Thomas Jefferson walked these streets alone.

October 18, 1981 10pm

Stirring news spread the world over as soon as Jefferson included the right to happiness as one of the main requirements of your Declaration of Independence. And at that time men of all continents and men of all countries gradually began to understand that this concerned them, each one of them, and all of them.

Now, a number of them, and indeed some of us, still have to appreciate that there can be no possible happiness where there is neither justice nor liberty. Like many others, I devoted part of my life, the best part of my life, to freedom, true freedom.

February 9, 1982

America's elderly are a wise and a very precious resource, and we should always honor them and never set them aside. I know that people in that generation—in our generation— [laughter] —are sometimes a bit sensitive about their age. I was kidded myself again last week, as I celebrated the 32d anniversary of my 39th birthday. But then I remembered something that Thomas Jefferson said. He said that we should never judge a President by his age; we should judge him by his work. And ever since he told me that, I've stopped— [laughter] —I've stopped worrying. I have increased the workload a little. [Laughter]

February 22, 1982

We still have that in America. As Americans, let us all rededicate ourselves to the ideals that George Washington set. Let us give of ourselves so that when our time is through, history may say of us what Thomas Jefferson said of him: Their integrity was the most pure and their justice the most inflexible we have ever known. They were in every sense of the word a wise and a great people.

I believe we still are. And because I believe in you, I believe we will be tomorrow. God bless America, and thank you very much.

March 15, 1982

We still have that in America. As Americans, let us all rededicate ourselves to the ideals that George Washington set. Let us give of ourselves so that when our time is through, history may say of us what Thomas Jefferson said of him: Their integrity was the most pure and their justice the most inflexible we have ever known. They were in every sense of the word a wise and a great people.

I believe we still are. And because I believe in you, I believe we will be tomorrow. God bless America, and thank you very much.

March 18, 1982

You know, some people think there's a storm brewing between me and the news industry. That simply isn't true. My feelings about the media haven't changed a bit. [Laughter] No. [Applause] No. No, I have always been and always will be in complete agreement with Thomas Jefferson on this subject. He said, "If it were left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter." Of course, he also said, "Perhaps the editor might divide his paper into four chapters, heading the first 'truths'; second, 'probabilities'; third, 'possibilities'; fourth, 'lies'." [Laughter]
As I say, I always agree with Jefferson.

My real point is this. Presidents, even Thomas Jefferson, have their moods just like everyone else, including members of the press. Some of the things we say and do regarding each other may cause a little momentary frustration or misunderstanding, but that's all it is. So, I hope I didn't touch a nerve with any of the press a few days ago, because I think that most of the time the overwhelming majority of them are doing a fine job. And as a former reporter, columnist, and commentator myself, I know just how tough their job can be.

March 22, 1982

Now I can say I've met the one group that hears as many complaints as I do. I think it was Thomas Jefferson who said that farmers are God's chosen people, but nowadays they must be asking, chosen for what? I've always thought that when we Americans get up in the morning and see bacon and eggs and toast and milk on the table, we should give thanks that American farmers are survivors. They're the real miracle workers of the modern world. They're keepers of an incredible system based on faith, freedom, and hard work that feeds us and sustains millions of the world's hungry as well.

March 23, 1982

Our democratic process is strengthened by the free flow and free competition of ideas. In the words of Thomas Jefferson, "We are not afraid to follow truth wherever it may lead, nor to tolerate any error so long as reason is left free to combat it." In the final analysis, under the Constitution, the President and the Congress must determine national policy and the national interest. But every citizen and every citizens' group is guaranteed the right to speak out, and must be encouraged to do so without fear of reprisal or defamation. No group should be bullied into silence by racial or ethnic slurs, or the fear of them. The language of hate—the obscenity of anti-Semitism and racism—must have no part in our national dialog.

April 13, 1982

Thomas Jefferson remains one of the towering figures in American history 239 years after his birth. Statesman, scholar, inventor, farmer, and philosopher, he was, first and foremost, a champion of individual liberty. Throughout his life he was a tireless advocate of free expression and the sanctity of property, for he knew that, to be whole, freedom must be economic as well as political.

Thomas Jefferson also knew that too much government threatened human rights. "What has destroyed liberty and the rights of man in every government that has ever existed under the Sun?" he asked. And he answered, "The generalizing and concentrating all cares and powers into one body." Limited government, in a sound Federal system with essential powers properly distributed among local, State, and national bodies was his goal. For all governments his admonition was straightforward: "A wise and frugal government," he declared in his first Inaugural Address, "... shall restrain men from injuring one another,... shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned."

Much has changed in the last two centuries, but the principles Thomas Jefferson espoused still lie at the heart of our democratic society. May his 239th birthday be a time of national renewal when we commit ourselves anew to the proud, free heritage Jefferson bequeathed us.

May 10, 1982

Thomas Jefferson, the author of liberty, the father of our freedom, once wrote, "I deem it the duty of every man to devote a certain portion of his income for charitable purposes; and that it is his further duty to see it so applied as to do the most good of which it is capable." Jefferson knew well the relationship between the responsibility of which we speak today and the freedom of our people.

July 6, 1982

Now, I'm going to be very brief here in my remarks, because I think we're going to have a dialog rather than my go on talking. But, you know, traveling the mashed potato circuit for many years—and I know that many of you have done the same thing—I have often quoted Thomas Jefferson in my protestations, then, against government intervention and big government, particularly, intervening. His line when he said-"Were we directed from Washington when to sow and when to reap, we should soon want for bread." And yet I never have put that—I had put that in the context of—as I'm sure many of you have—of intervention by, particularly, the Federal Government in things that were not its proper province. Would you like to hear that put in the context in which he said it?—because it's even more timely than it was in that supposed context in which I myself used it and perhaps many of you.

"Were not this great country already divided into states, that division must be made, that each might do for itself what concerns itself directly and what it can do so much better than distant authority. Every state is again divided into counties, each to take care of what lies within its local bounds; each county again into townships or wards to handle minute details. Were we directed from Washington when to sow and when to reap, we should soon want for bread."

So, we can claim that Jefferson was the first one to present the present Federal program.

July 19, 1982

"Crisis" is a much abused word today. But can we deny that we face a crisis? Thomas Jefferson warned, "The public debt is the greatest of dangers to be feared." He believed that it was wrong and immoral for one generation to forever burden the generations yet to come. His philosophy prevailed for the first 150 years of our history.

September 15, 1982

Putting the American economy back on the right track has clearly been the top priority of this administration. But I think it's important for all of us to understand that at the same time we haven't forgotten the Federal commitment to civil rights. Thomas Jefferson once said that no man ever leaves the Presidency with as good a reputation as he brought into the job. [Laughter] Well, that's because even in Jefferson's day there was a constant barrage of wild, politically motivated charges aimed at the man in the White House. Well, usually I try to ignore personal attacks, but one charge I will have to admit strikes at my heart every time I hear it. That's the suggestion that we Republicans are taking a less active approach to protecting the civil rights of all Americans. No matter how you slice it, that's just plain baloney.

December 16, 1982

Back in the days before we had satellites and electronic hookups, Thomas Jefferson put it this way: "The basis of our government being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter."

Well now, I couldn't help noticing something about that kind remark that Jefferson made about the press. [Laughter] He made it before he was President— [laughter] —not during his term.

As long as information, though, can flow freely, America can grow and thrive, and democracy itself will be stronger than before. This principle that Jefferson championed is reflected in Article 19 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights: Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression. This right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.

February 23, 1983

Dr. Dumas Malone.

And the [President Medal of Freedom] will be accepted by his son, Gifford Malone.

As one of the foremost historians, authors, and scholars of this century, Dumas Malone has recounted the birth of our Nation and the ideals of our Founding Fathers. Among Dr. Malone's most notable accomplishments is his biography of Thomas Jefferson, now regarded as the most authoritative work of its kind. Dr. Malone's contributions to our national lore will remain invaluable to succeeding generations as each takes up responsibility for the heritage of freedom so eloquently described in his articles and books.

March 12, 1983

Broad educational opportunity not only secured our role as the pathbreaker to progress, it also protected and strengthened our freedom. We were wise enough to heed Thomas Jefferson's warning that "any nation which expects to be ignorant and free expects what never was and never will be."

May 9, 1983

Even two centuries ago, the Founding Fathers understood this. They anticipated the danger. John Adams wrote that government tends to run every contingency into an excuse for enhancing power in government. And Thomas Jefferson put it more directly when he predicted happiness for America but only "if we can prevent the government from wasting the labors of the people, under the pretense of taking care of them... "

August 1, 1983

Well, we respect the gentleman who has led your organization with vision and skill-Morris Harrell. As you all know, there are a lot of jokes—as I just tried one—with lawyers as the target. Thomas Jefferson reportedly blamed his problems with the Congress on a hundred lawyers whose trade it is, as he said, "to question everything, yield nothing, and talk by the hour." [Laughter]

December 9, 1983

Americans have long honored the gift of liberty. So it is with glad hearts and thankful minds that on Bill of Rights Day we recognize the special benefits of freedom bequeathed to posterity by the Founding Fathers. They had a high regard for the liberty of all humanity as reflected by Thomas Jefferson when he wrote in 1787, "A bill of rights is what the people are entitled to against every government on earth." In this century alone thousands of Americans have laid down their lives on distant battlefields in Europe, Asia, Africa, and in our Western Hemisphere itself in defense of the basic human rights.

December 14, 1983

I think any deficit is too much. I've been preaching for the last quarter of a century or more that government-well, we should have had the rule that Jefferson advocated back in his day when he said that the one thing lacking in the Constitution was a rule that the Federal Government could not borrow a penny.

February 6, 1984

But some peoples, like our Founding Fathers, revolted under such oppression. No one would understand better the danger of unchecked government power than those men. "I am not a friend to a very energetic government. It is always oppressive," Jefferson said.

February 26, 1984

This room is often used for state dinners honoring visiting heads of state, and it's fitting that we, too, share this room in recognition that you are also heads of sovereign States. Our Federal system of sovereign States is today as vital to the preservation of freedom as it was in the time of Jefferson and Adams and those other farsighted individuals we revere as our Founding Fathers.

They envisioned a system that would secure the greatest degree of liberty, while at the same time be functional and efficient. They knew well that if too much power and authority were vested in the central government, even if intended for a noble purpose, not only would liberty be threatened but it just wouldn't work.

Jefferson warned, "Were we directed from Washington when to sow and when to reap, we should soon want for bread." [Laughter] I think during the last decade and before, we've gotten a taste of just what it was that Jefferson was warning us about. So much power had centralized in Washington that frustration and stagnation ruled the day. The Federal Government taxed away the available revenue and set up a confusing web of regulations and bureaucratic controls to be complied with in order to get these resources back. Furthermore, the rules and restrictions, to a large degree, were coming from faraway, unelected officials. This neither worked, nor was it consistent with principles of American freedom.

March 22, 1984

We look out over the White House grounds, and we see evidence that the bond between us is deep and has stood the tests of time. There in the distance is the Jefferson Memorial, a tribute to America's third President, a founder of our republic, an intellectual whose ideas were profoundly influenced by his exposure to French philosophy and culture. It is not mere coincidence that this giant of American freedom was one of our first representatives to France.

May 2, 1984

Few have understood better than our nation's Founding Fathers that claims of human dignity transcend the claims of any government, and that this transcendent right itself has a transcendent source. Our Declaration of Independence four times acknowledges our country's dependence on a Supreme Being, and its principal author and one of our greatest Presidents, Thomas Jefferson, put it simply: "The God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same time."

May 15, 1984

President Thomas Jefferson, a man so important to the development of human liberty, outlined in his first inaugural address some of the aspirations of our new republic. Although spoken 183 years ago, the words still ring true. Our desire in foreign affairs, he said, was "equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations.”

May 22, 1984

As a free and democratic people, we depend on the sound judgment of our fellow citizens. Quality education contributes in a major way to that judgment. There are few more important issues before us, for, as Thomas Jefferson once wrote: "I know no safe depository of the ultimate powers of the society but the people themselves; and if we think them not enlightened enough to exercise their control with a wholesome discretion, the remedy is not to take it from them but to inform their discretion."

June 4, 1984

History is the work of free men and women, not unalterable laws. It is never inevitable, but it does have directions and trends; and one trend is clear—democracies are not only increasing in number, they're growing in strength. Today they're strong enough to give the cause of freedom growing room and breathing space, and that's all that freedom ever really needs. "The mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs." Thomas Jefferson said that. Freedom is the flagship of the future and the flashfire of the future. Its spark ignites the deepest and noblest aspirations of the human soul.

Those who think the Western democracies are trying to roll back history are missing the point. History is moving in the direction of self-government and the human dignity that it institutionalizes, and the future belongs to the free.

June 19, 1984

Thomas Jefferson, whom I mentioned a few minutes ago on the business of governing, also had some wise things to say about the business of living. When he was advising his nephew what path he should follow to find success, he reminded him that he must pursue his own and his country's best interests with what he called the "purest integrity, the most chaste honor. Make these then," he said, "your first object. Give up money, give up fame, give up science, give the earth itself and all it contains rather than do an immoral act. And never suppose that in any possible situation or under any circumstances that it is best for you to do a dishonorable thing, however slightly so it may appear to you."

January 21, 1985 11:49am

Two of our Founding Fathers, a Boston lawyer named Adams and a Virginia planter named Jefferson, members of that remarkable group who met in Independence Hall and dared to think they could start the world over again, left us an important lesson. They had become, in the years then in government, bitter political rivals in the Presidential election of 1800. Then, years later, when both were retired and age had softened their anger, they began to speak to each other again through letters. A bond was reestablished between those two who had helped create this government of ours.

In 1826, the 50th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, they both died. They died on the same day, within a few hours of each other, and that day was the Fourth of July.

In one of those letters exchanged in the sunset of their lives, Jefferson wrote: "It carries me back to the times when, beset with difficulties and dangers, we were fellow laborers in the same cause, struggling for what is most valuable to man, his right of self-government. Laboring always at the same oar, with some wave ever ahead threatening to overwhelm us, and yet passing harmless... we rode through the storm with heart and hand."

Well, with heart and hand let us stand as one today—one people under God, determined that our future shall be worthy of our past. As we do, we must not repeat the well-intentioned errors of our past. We must never again abuse the trust of working men and women by sending their earnings on a futile chase after the spiraling demands of a bloated Federal Establishment.

January 21, 1985 3:18pm

Thomas Jefferson once said: "How little do my countrymen know what precious blessings they are in possession of and which no other people on Earth enjoy." Well, today we can rejoice that more and more people on Earth are moving toward democracy, and we can rejoice that America, a nation still young compared to so many others, is the oldest, most successful republic on Earth.

February 20, 1985

Of course, there have been a few changes in diplomacy since then. [Laughter] And I'm told there is a memorandum surviving in the Smithsonian from President Jefferson to his Secretary of State in which he wrote as follows: "We haven't heard anything from our Ambassador to France for three years." [Laughter] "If we don't hear from him this year"— [laughter] —"let us write him a letter." [Laughter]

March 4, 1985

Now, in speaking of our fiscal 1986 Federal budget, let me remind you of an observation by Thomas Jefferson: The principle of spending money to be paid by posterity, under the name of funding, is but swindling futurity on a large scale.

April 23, 1985

During colonial days, Americans were dependent on the river systems and ocean ports still used in commerce today. President Thomas Jefferson commissioned Lewis and Clark to explore the West through our rivers, providing new opportunities for trade and commerce. In 1825, the Erie Canal, connecting Buffalo to New York, opened the Great Lakes for settlement and industry.

May 27, 1985

And let's recognize the truth that Fidel Castro is behind much of the trouble in Central America. His consuming hatred of America and his ideological commitment to Communist tyranny has impoverished his country and oppressed its people. Thomas Jefferson once wrote, "Enlighten the people generally, and tyranny and oppressions of body and mind will vanish like evil spirits at the dawn of day." Well, the Communists understand this, and that's why they're deathly afraid of the free flow of information.

August 10, 1985

Those brave Americans who fought in the Pacific four decades ago were fighting for a better world. They believed in America and often they gave the last full measure of devotion. One such man was Marine Lieutenant David Tucker Brown from Alexandria, Virginia. While in the Pacific, he wrote home: "I am more than ever convinced that this is Thomas Jefferson's war, the war of the common man against tyranny and pride. It is really a war for democracy and not for power or materialism." Well, Lieutenant Brown was later killed in action in Okinawa, one of so many brave and courageous young Americans who made the supreme sacrifice.

I think if those brave men were with us today they'd be proud of what has been accomplished. At war's end, with victory in hand, we looked forward, not back. We lived up to our ideals, the ideals of heroes like Lieutenant David Tucker Brown. And we worked with our former enemies to build a new and better world, a world of freedom and opportunity. That's the America we're all so proud of.

August 24, 1985

A recent Gallup Poll found that an overwhelming majority of Americans want their schools to do two things above all else: to teach students how to speak and write correctly and, just as important, to teach them a standard of right and wrong. They want their schools to help their children develop, as Thomas Jefferson said, "both an honest heart and a knowing head." Unfortunately, parents today all too often find themselves confronted with so-called experts and a large battery of misguided opinion that says their children's education should be what they call value-neutral. Well, to me, and I bet most Americans, a value-neutral education is a contradiction in terms. The American people have always known in their bones how intimately knowledge and values are intertwined. We don't expect our children to rediscover calculus on their own, but some would give them no guidance when it comes to the even more fundamental discoveries of civilization: our ethics, morality, and values. If we give our children no guidance here, if we give them only a value-neutral education, we're robbing them of their most precious inheritance-the wisdom of generations that is contained in our moral heritage.

October 4, 1985

But the GOP is, in my view, the party of the American family; the party whose tax reform proposals, to touch on another subject, would expand the personal exemption, increase the standard deduction, and make IRA's—you know, those are those individual retirement accounts—equally available to those who work both inside and outside the home. The GOP is the party that adheres to the old Jeffersonian philosophy that that government governs best that governs least. Incidentally, Thomas Jefferson made a little-known statement about the Constitution just about the time it was being ratified. He said it only had one flaw: It did not contain a provision preventing the Federal Government from borrowing money. [Laughter] Well, we're going to make Tom Jefferson, wherever he is, happy. [Laughter]

October 10, 1985

So, we've just got to rely on the media to get the information out to the American people. Let them hear the facts and let the American people decide for themselves. A fellow named Thomas Jefferson once said, "If the people know all the facts, the people will never make a mistake."

November 14, 1985

In advancing freedom, we Americans carry a special burden—a belief in the dignity of man in the sight of the God who gave birth to this country. This is central to our being. A century and a half ago, Thomas Jefferson told the world, "The mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs… "Freedom is America's core. We must never deny it nor forsake it. Should the day come when we Americans remain silent in the face of armed aggression, then the cause of America, the cause of freedom, will have been lost and the great heart of this country will have been broken. This affirmation of freedom is not only our duty as Americans, it's essential for success at Geneva.

December 2, 1985

I'm confident that if we remain firm in our convictions, realistic in our approach, and strong enough to defend our interests, the competition that we have with the Soviets can remain peaceful. Jefferson is quoted as saying, "Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty." Well, it's as true today as it was two centuries ago.

But just as in Jefferson's day, Americans are preparing themselves for great strides forward. Our technological advances of the last four decades are only the foundation for a new era that is almost beyond imagination. We have just given thanks as a nation to God for all our many blessings, but we should be also grateful for this bright future that lies just over the horizon.

January 24, 1986

And that's when I think we should have a constitutional amendment that says from here on, it'll always be a balanced budget. And when we get that, I'm going down there to the Jefferson Memorial to see if that statue of Tom is smiling. [Laughter] Because he's the first person that ever remarked about that. At the ratification of the Constitution, Thomas Jefferson very eloquently said it has only one glaring omission: "It does not have a prohibition against the Federal Government borrowing money." So, let's catch up with him.

April 9, 1986

Question: Well, sir, would you say, then, that your remarks about liberals and your critics in the media are just a normal part of the ongoing dialog and exchange in the marketplace of ideas?

President Ronald Reagan: Well, I'm sorry you took that yourself. I was very careful to say critics and stop there. And there's a good share of the 535 on Capitol Hill—and they aren't connected to press—that are critics. And so, in front of this audience, I wasn't going to actually tag my critics as being of the press. [Laughter] No, I recognize the right, and I go along with Thomas Jefferson. I will protect and believe in a free press. I could say there is a section of the press that takes me on regularly, but it's a controlled press: Pravda and TASS. And I don't defend them at all.

April 22, 1986

Thomas Jefferson called motherhood "the keystone of the arch of matrimonial happiness," and we must always remember that with love, strength, and fortitude, the American mother assisted in the settlement, development, and prosperity of our country. Her contributions to the well-being of the family, the community, and the Nation are beyond all reckoning.

June 6, 1986

As Americans, we're the arsenal for democracy, the keepers of the flame that Jefferson wrote about when he penned these words: "... the flames kindled on the Fourth of July, 1776, have spread over too much of the globe to be extinguished by the feeble engines of despotism."

June 19, 1986

So, I have come here today to say that the Glassboro summit was not enough, that indeed the Geneva summit was not enough, that talk alone, in short, is not enough. I've come here to invite Mr. Gorbachev to join me in taking action—action in the name of peace. My friends, let us dare to dream that when you return for your own son or daughter's graduation, you'll do so in a world at peace, a world that celebrates human liberty, and a world free from the terror of nuclear destruction. And let us work first my generation, then soon, very soon, your own—to make that dream come true.

But here again, mere words convey so little. There are moments, indeed, when those of my generation fear that your youth and health and good fortune will prove too much for us—too much for us who must tell you that good fortune is not all that life can present, that this good fortune has come to you because others have suffered and sacrificed, that to preserve it there will come times when you, too, must sacrifice. Then our fears are dispelled. It happens when we turn from our own thoughts to look at you. We see such strength and hope, such buoyancy, such good will, such straightforward and uncomplicated happiness. And if we listen, before long we hear joyful laughter. And we know then that God has already blessed you and that America has already imprinted the love of peace and freedom on your hearts. We look at you, and no matter how full our own lives have been, we say with Thomas Jefferson, "I like the dreams of the future better than the history of the past."

July 4, 1986

All through our history, our Presidents and leaders have spoken of national unity and warned us that the real obstacle to moving forward the boundaries of freedom, the only permanent danger to the hope that is America, comes from within. It's easy enough to dismiss this as a kind of familiar exhortation. Yet the truth is that even two of our greatest Founding Fathers, John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, once learned this lesson late in life. They'd worked so closely together in Philadelphia for independence. But once that was gained and a government was formed, something called partisan politics began to get in the way. After a bitter and divisive campaign, Jefferson defeated Adams for the Presidency in 1800. And the night before Jefferson's inauguration, Adams slipped away to Boston, disappointed, brokenhearted, and bitter.

For years their estrangement lasted. But then when both had retired, Jefferson at 68 to Monticello and Adams at 76 to Quincy, they began through their letters to speak again to each other. Letters that discussed almost every conceivable subject: gardening, horseback riding, even sneezing as a cure for hiccups; but other subjects as well: the loss of loved ones, the mystery of grief and sorrow, the importance of religion, and of course the last thoughts, the final hopes of two old men, two great patriarchs, for the country that they had helped to found and loved so deeply. "It carries me back," Jefferson wrote about correspondence with his cosigner of the Declaration of Independence, "to the times when, beset with difficulties and dangers, we were fellow laborers in the same cause, struggling for what is most valuable to man, his right to self-government. Laboring always at the same oar, with some wave ever ahead threatening to overwhelm us and yet passing harmless… we rowed through the storm with heart and hand... "It was their last gift to us, this lesson in brotherhood, in tolerance for each other, this insight into America's strength as a nation. And when both died on the same day within hours of each other, that date was July 4th, 50 years exactly after that first gift to us, the Declaration of Independence.

My fellow Americans, it falls to us to keep faith with them and all the great Americans of our past. Believe me, if there's one impression I carry with me after the privilege of holding for 5 1/2 years the office held by Adams and Jefferson and Lincoln, it is this: that the things that unite us—America's past of which we're so proud, our hopes and aspirations for the future of the world and this much-loved country—these things far outweigh what little divides us. And so tonight we reaffirm that Jew and gentile, we are one nation under God; that black and white, we are one nation indivisible; that Republican and Democrat, we are all Americans. Tonight, with heart and hand, through whatever trial and travail, we pledge ourselves to each other and to the cause of human freedom, the cause that has given light to this land and hope to the world.

September 26, 1986

Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson, for example, disagreed on most of the great issues of their day, just as many have disagreed in ours. They helped begin our long tradition of loyal opposition, of standing on opposite sides of almost every question while still working together for the good of the country. And yet for all their differences, they both agreed—as should be—on the importance of judicial restraint. "Our peculiar security," Jefferson warned, "is in the possession of a written Constitution." And he made this appeal: "Let us not make it a blank paper by construction." Hamilton, Jefferson, and all the Founding Fathers recognized that the Constitution is the supreme and ultimate expression of the will of the American people. They saw that no one in office could remain above it, if freedom were to survive through the ages. They understood that, in the words of James Madison, if "the sense in which the Constitution was accepted and ratified by the nation is not the guide to expounding it, there can be no security for a faithful exercise of its powers."

October 1, 1986

On the contrary, in a certain sense we can be proud of our differences, because they arise from good will itself—from love of country; for concern for the challenges of our time; from respect for, and yes, even outright enjoyment of, the democratic processes of disagreement and debate. Indeed, from the time of Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton, frank debate has been a part of the tradition of this Republic. Today our very differences attest to the greatness of our nation. For I can think of no other country on Earth where two political leaders could disagree so widely yet come together in mutual respect. To paraphrase Mr. Jefferson: We are all Democrats, we are all Republicans, because we are all Americans.

October 22, 1986

The United States has taken positive steps to stop the onslaught of terrorism against civilized society. We will continue to do so, because we keep in mind the value and dignity of every human being and the commission that Thomas Jefferson expressed so well when he wrote, "The care of human life and happiness, and not their destruction, is the first and only legitimate object of good government."

December 10, 1986

When talking about human rights, we're not referring to abstract theory or ungrounded philosophy. Jefferson, who penned our great Declaration of Independence, years later wrote: "Freedom of religion, freedom of the press, freedom of the person under the protection of habeas corpus and trial by juries impartially selected-these principles form the bright constellation which has guided our steps through an age of revolution and transformation." Well, our country does not have an unblemished record. We've had to overcome our shortcomings and ensure equal justice for all. And yet we can be proud that respect for the rights of the individual has been an essential element, a basic principle, if you will, of American Government.

January 13, 1987

Thomas Jefferson believed that the rebels' activities were motivated by "ignorance, not wickedness." He pointed out that the majority of the people of Massachusetts had sided with the government, and he concluded that "the good sense of the people will always be found to be the best army."

January 24, 1987

It's the Constitution itself—article II, section 3—that mandates the President to inform Congress regarding the state of the American Union and to recommend measures that he considers, in the Constitution's words, "necessary and expedient." President Washington appeared before Congress personally each year to offer his account of national problems and prospects. In 1801 President Jefferson was eager to show how different America was from Britain, where Parliament was opened by the monarch, so he put the practice of appearing in person to an end, substituting instead a written message. Presidents continued to send Congress written messages for more than a century, until in 1913 Woodrow Wilson revived the practice of delivering the message in person. Since Franklin Roosevelt seized upon the idea with his customary relish, no President has missed the opportunity to present his proposals before Congress face-to-face.

February 11, 1987

Someone sent me a little item that must have appeared in print someplace. It was in print, it was just cut out, and I don't know where it appeared or anything. But it did give us pause to think. Just a little short thing, and it said: "In an earlier day in America, people lived well, they had plenty to eat, they were independent, they were free, and then the white man came." [Laughter] Well, Thomas Jefferson once wrote: "He knows most who knows how little he knows." In the area of welfare, I think it's clear today that it's time for those of us in Washington to face up to how little we know. You good people have just shown the truth of what columnist William Raspberry wrote recently, that good ideas come not from "Washington, where the headlines are, but out in the country, where the action is."

June 1, 1987

You know, Thomas Jefferson once wrote a friend to say that our Constitution represented "unquestionably, the wisest ever yet presented to men." Well, right about here, you probably think I'm going to say there's no truth to the rumor that I was the friend he was writing the letter to. [Laughter] But history has certainly borne out Mr. Jefferson's judgment. Through two centuries now, our Constitution has proven a source of strength, stability, and unerring wisdom, serving longer than any other written constitution in the world. Think of that: Young as our country is, we're really, though, the oldest republic in the world. I know that, what with some of the budget bills, Presidents have days when they think the Constitution created one branch of government too many. But seriously, the Constitution has blessed us with what I have to believe is the finest Government in history.

July 3, 1987

If you would excuse me for a moment, I see that the uniform of the day has already been decided on. [At this point, the President removed his jacket.] Well, the Vice President and distinguished guests, members of the administration and members of the team, before starting, I would like to thank Ollie delChamps, chairman of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and the rest of you from the chamber for all your help on this event and all the help you've been over the years.

In 1776 John Adams predicted in a letter to his wife that every year the people of the United States would joyously celebrate their nation's independence with pomp and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of the continent, he said, to the other. Well, tomorrow on the Fourth, it is easy to predict that the festivities and merriment that Adams foresaw, will be apparent throughout the width and breadth of our country. Many of you may look back, as I do, on the fond memory of last year when together we rededicated our beautiful lady, standing there with torch held high in New York Harbor. One of the opportunities this job affords me, and one for which I am most grateful, is representing you, my fellow countrymen, at such ceremonial events as the rededication of the Statute of Liberty, the marking of the D-day landings in Normandy, and now, this year, the commemoration of the 200th anniversary of the Constitution of the United States—remembrances that have a special place in the hearts of all who love liberty.

It is this love of liberty, at the heart of our national identity, that celebrates our separation [separates our celebration] of independence from those of most other nations. It's what made the struggle of our forefathers, a little over 200 years ago, different from any conflict that has ever happened before. Down through history, there have been many revolutions, but virtually all of them only exchanged one set of rulers for another set of rulers. Ours was the only truly philosophical revolution. It declared that government would have only those powers granted to it by the people.

It was a 33-year-old Thomas Jefferson who penned the words and constructed the phrases that captured the essence of it all. He wrote: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.—That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed,—that whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or abolish it... "These inspired ideals are written on the walls of this memorial.

It was this revolutionary concept of representative government and individual rights, as well as the cause of national independence, to which the Declaration's signers pledged their lives, fortunes, and sacred honor. Each generation has done the same, and tomorrow we'll make that pledge again. Let no one charge, however, that ours is blind nationalism. We do not hide our shortcomings. Yes, we have our imperfections, but there are no people on this planet who have more reason to hold their heads high than do the citizens of the United States of America.

Our countrymen have the courage of conviction and an uncommon commitment to truth and justice; we as a people will not bow before dictator or king, but we kneel in prayer and gratefully acknowledge, as Jefferson so eloquently stated, that the God who gave us life also gave us liberty. Our society reflects decent and humane values that were passed to us by the settlers of a new land; Americans can be counted on to be generous—it's our way. We know these things, and we also know the United States of America remains the greatest force for human freedom on this planet, and we're darn proud of it.

We're still Jefferson's children, still believers that freedom is the unalienable right of all of God's children. It's so precious, yet freedom is not something that can be touched, heard, seen, or smelled. It surrounds us, and if it were not present, as accustomed to it as we are, we would be alarmed, overwhelmed by outrage, or perhaps struck by a sense of being smothered. The air we breathe is also invisible and taken for granted, yet if it is denied even for a few seconds, we realize instantly how much it means to us. Well, so, too, with freedom.

Freedom is not created by government, nor is it a gift from those in political power. It is, in fact, secured, more than anything else, by those limitations I mentioned that are placed on those in government. It is absence of the government censor in our newspapers and broadcast stations and universities. It is the lack of fear by those who gather in religious services. It is the absence of official abuse of those who speak up against the policies of their government.

I'm a collector of stories that I can establish are told in the Soviet Union among their own people, showing something of their feeling about their situation. And one of these that I heard recently was an argument between an American and a Soviet citizen. And the American had said how he could stand down on a corner and shout right out to everybody his criticism of the Government. And the Soviet citizen said, "I can do that, too." He said, "The only difference between us is you will still be free after you've done it." [Laughter]

Jefferson so fervently believed that limited government was vital to the preservation of liberty that he used his influence to see to it that the Constitution included a Bill of Rights, 10 amendments that spelled out specific governmental limitations. "Congress shall make no law," the first amendment begins. And thus, the basic law of our land was meticulously constructed to limit government and, in doing so, secure the political rights of the freedom [people].

Inextricably linked to these political freedoms are protections for the economic freedoms envisioned by those Americans who went before us. While the Constitution sets our political freedoms in greater detail, these economic freedoms are part and parcel of it. During this bicentennial year, we have the opportunity to recognize anew the economic freedoms of our people and, with the Founding Fathers, declare them as sacred and sacrosanct as the political freedoms of speech, press, religion, and assembly. There are four essential economic freedoms. They are what links life inseparably to liberty, what enables an individual to control his own destiny, what makes self-government and personal independence part of the American experience.

First is the freedom to work—to pursue one's livelihood in one's own way, to choose where one will locate and what one will do to sustain individual and family needs and desires. I recently heard a statement by a eminent scholar in our land who visited the Soviet Union recently. He is fluent in the Russian language. But on his way to the airport here, he recognized the youth of the cabdriver and got into conversation, found out he was working his way through college, and he asked him what he intended to be. And the young man said, "I haven't decided yet." Well, by coincidence, when he got to the Soviet Union and got in a cab, he had an equally young cabdriver. And speaking Russian, he got in conversation with him and asked the same question, finally, about the young man, what did he intend to be? And the young man said, "They haven't told me yet." [Laughter]

Well, second of those freedoms is the freedom to enjoy the fruits of one's labor-to keep for oneself and one's family the profit or gain earned by honest effort.

Third is the freedom to own and control one's property—to trade or exchange it and not to have it taken through threat or coercion.

Fourth is the freedom to participate in a free market—to contract freely for goods and services and to achieve one's full potential without government limits on opportunity, economic independence, and growth.

Just as Jefferson understood that our political freedoms needed protection by and from government, our economic freedoms need similar recognition and protection. Those who attain political power must know that there are limits beyond which they will not be permitted to go, because beyond that point their intrusion is destructive of the economic freedom of the people. We must insist, for example, that there be a limit to the level of taxation, not only because excessive taxation undermines the strength of the economy but because taxation beyond a certain level becomes servitude. And in America, it is the Government that works for the people and not the other way around.

Now, in the same vein, regulation of an individual's business or property can reach a degree when ownership is nullified and the value is taken. Our administration has argued in the courts that if the Government takes private property through regulation, the "just compensation" clause of the Constitution requires that the owner must be duly paid. There's nothing more encouraging to those who believe in economic freedom than last month's Supreme Court decisions which reaffirm this fundamental guarantee. Property rights are central to liberty and should never be trampled upon.

The working people need to know their jobs, take-home pay, homes, and pensions are not vulnerable to the threat of a grandiose, inefficient, and overbearing government-something Jefferson warned us about 200 years ago. It's time to finish the job Jefferson began and to protect our people and their livelihoods with restrictions on government that will ensure the fundamental economic freedom of the people—the equivalent of an Economic Bill of Rights. I'm certain if Thomas Jefferson were here, he'd be one of the most articulate and aggressive champions of this cause. The reason I'm certain is that in 1798 he wrote: "I wish it were possible to obtain a single amendment to our Constitution. I would be willing to depend on that alone for the reduction of the administration of our government to the genuine principles of its Constitution; I mean an additional article taking from the Federal Government the power of borrowing."

The centerpiece of the Economic Bill of Rights, the policy initiative we launch today, is a long-overdue constitutional amendment to require the Federal Government to do what every family in America must do, and that is live within its means and balance its budget. I will again ask Congress to submit a balanced budget amendment to the States. And if the Congress will not act, I'll have no choice but to take my case directly to the States.

The package of fundamental reforms we propose will go a long way to secure the blessings of liberty. Taxation, for example, is more than mathematical calculations. It is the harnessing of free people; it is forced labor; and if it goes beyond reasonable bounds, it is a yoke of oppression. Raising taxes, then, should be serious business. It should not be done without a broad national consensus. We propose that every American's paycheck be protected—as part of a balanced budget amendment—by requiring that tax increases must be passed by both Houses of Congress by more than a mere majority of their Members.

Our forefathers fought for personal and national independence, yet 200 years later, our own overly centralized government poses a threat to our liberty far beyond anything imagined by the patriots of old. We offer two approaches to turning the situation around, both encompassed in our proposals. One is to reduce the size and scope of the Federal Government. This is an ongoing battle. We will be relentless in steadily reducing spending until a balanced budget is achieved.

But also, as part of our initiative, we propose to prune judiciously from the Government that which goes beyond the proper realm of the state. I will, by Executive order, establish a bipartisan Presidential commission on privatization to determine what Federal assets and activities can and should be returned to the citizenry. At the same time, I will order the executive branch to find additional ways for contracting outside of government to perform those tasks that belong in the private economy.

We must also reexamine existing Federal policies to ensure that they help, not hinder, all Americans to participate fully in the opportunities of our free economy. We need to replace a welfare system that destroys economic independence and the family with one that creates incentives for recipients to move up and out of dependency.

Now, the second thrust is structural and procedural reform. We propose changes that will ensure truth in spending by requiring every new program to meet this test: If congressional passage of a new program will require increased spending, it must be paid for at the same time, either with offsetting reductions in other programs or new revenues. Citizens of this country, as well as State and local governments, also have a right to be fully informed as to what Federal legislation will do to them, what costs will be required for fulfilling the will of Congress. Full disclosure of such costs up front may well temper the desire to overregulate and over-legislate.

Reform must go to the heart of the problem. The integrity of the decisionmaking process as envisioned by our Founding Fathers has broken down and is in drastic need of repair. The veto power of the President, for example, is no longer the potent force for fiscal responsibility as set down in the Constitution. This was clear last year when all government appropriations were thrown into one gigantic, catchall resolution. And for me, it was a take-it-or-leave-it, all-or-nothing choice—doing damage to long-respected constitutional checks and balances. The first step in reestablishing these checks and balances is giving the President the authority to cut out the fat, yet leave the meat, of legislation that gets to his desk. And the President deserves the same tool for budgetary responsibility that is now in the hands of 43 Governors, a tool I used effectively as Governor of California-the line-item veto.

Today we begin a drive to protect economic freedom in the United States. We commit ourselves to do our utmost to bring about fundamental reform, reform that will ensure the liberty we hold so dear. Standing here, with Jefferson looking over my shoulder, looking out at the Lincoln and the Washington Memorials and the White House straight ahead and, in the distance, the Capitol, one can't but appreciate that all freedom is mutually reinforcing. Perhaps a more specific delineation of economic freedom was always needed, but today it's imperative. Our citizens were always skeptical of government. Jefferson looked at Congress and noted that no one should have expected 150 lawyers to do business anyway. [Laughter] My apologies to lawyers present. But the Federal Government's role was severely limited; the future was in the hands of the people, not the Government. And that's the way our forebears wanted it.

Jefferson, in his first inaugural, spoke for his countrymen when he said: "A wise and frugal government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, which shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This," he said, "is the sum of good government." Well, that vision of America still guides our thinking, still represents our ideals.

What we begin today is not a maneuver or an attempt to achieve short-term goals with lofty pronouncements. Our proposals are consistent with what we've been doing; in fact, they'll help secure the progress that we've made. They're basic to the philosophy that brought me into public life, and for the rest of my public life, I'll pursue the goals we've set forth in this Economic Bill of Rights.

Our specific proposals, 10 in all, will go a long way toward putting economic freedom under the protection of the law. And even if we achieve what we've set out to do in bits and pieces, rather than in one fell swoop—as happened with the Bill of Rights to the Constitution—each victory will make freedom more secure. Ours is a vision of limited government and unlimited opportunity, of growth and progress beyond what any can see today. A saying in colonial times suggested there are two ways to get to the top of an oak tree, where the view is much better. One is to climb; the other is to find an acorn and sit on it. [Laughter] Well, I didn't come to Washington to sit on acorns. [Laughter] It's time to roll up our sleeves and start climbing.

I see many familiar faces here, and I want to thank you all for all you've done in these last 6 1/2 years. Together, we've climbed some mighty oaks. We've worked, sweated, and strained to carry our cause to new heights, helping each other along the way, ever faithful to our principles. I'll always remember and be grateful to you.

In the early days of the American Revolution, no two individuals worked more diligently together than did Thomas Jefferson and John Adams. Yet once our country attained its independence and once partisan politics set in—and it set in early—they drifted apart; in fact, they became bitter political enemies. Last Fourth of July, I related the story of how those two old gentlemen, heroes both, rekindled their friendship in their twilight years, corresponding regularly, writing affectionately of the many memories they shared, and, yes, discussing their beliefs and values. Both of these men, giants to us but mortal to be sure, died within hours of each other. It was July 4th, exactly 50 years from the date of the Declaration of Independence. It's reported that John Adams' last words were, "Thomas Jefferson survives." History tells us, however, that Jefferson had died shortly before John Adams passed away.

But Adams was right. All of us stand in tribute to the truth of those words. We proclaim it again and again with our dedication to keeping this a land of liberty and justice for all, and through our deeds and actions, to ensure that this country remains a bastion of freedom, the last best hope for mankind. As long as a love of liberty is emblazoned on our hearts, Jefferson lives.

Thank you all. God bless you all.

July 10, 1987

And from the outset, this idea of economic freedom has been our political lodestar. That's why in creating our political revolution for this economic freedom our goal was simple, as Jefferson said about the revolution of his own time: "to place before mankind the common sense of the subject." All we said was this: Give the American people a chance, and they'll come through. They'll make the difference. They'll get us out of the worst economic mess since the Depression. And they have, building one of the mightiest prosperities in our history, a prosperity that I know every one of us in this room is determined to keep making stronger with every passing month and every passing year.

July 27, 1987 11: 10am

One of the most dangerous inclinations of human nature, Thomas Jefferson once said, is appropriating wealth produced by the labor of others rather than producing it by one's own labor. He said government was the usual vehicle for this abuse. And as he put it: The stronger the government, the weaker the producer. And he added: The natural progress of things is for liberty to yield and government to gain ground.

July 27, 1987 2:10pm

I was going to say I hope I can count on your support. You've told me I can already. Now, some of you may know that I announced the Economic Bill of Rights on July 3d, standing on the steps of the Jefferson Memorial. And as I spoke, I could see symbols of our precious freedoms. In the distance was the White House, the Washington Monument, and the Lincoln Memorial. One building that can't be seen from the Jefferson Memorial, however, is the Capitol, where both Houses of Congress meet and do business. And that view is obstructed by government buildings. Well, by working together, and with our Economic Bill of Rights, we're going to make certain that Congress never loses sight of Jefferson, his ideals, and his vision for all Americans. He is the man that just shortly after the Constitution was ratified said it has one glaring omission: It does not have a clause preventing the Federal Government from borrowing. Well, together, we'll keep this the land of the free and the home of the brave.

July 29, 1987

I happen to believe that, when it comes to farming, the decisionmaking shouldn't be in the hands of the politicians, academics, or bureaucrats. It should be in the hands of the farmers. Thomas Jefferson once said: "State a moral case to a ploughman and a professor, and the former will decide it as well, and often better, than the latter, because he has not been led astray by artificial rules." Well, it's time to get the artificial rules out of the way and get back to fundamentals like freedom, private property, and supply and demand. We're looking forward with you to the day when you'll be the proud, free producers of our country's and the rest of the world's food and fiber.

September 14, 1987

It was my honor a few years ago to have helped dedicate the Madison Building. This structure, of course, is named for Thomas Jefferson, author of our Declaration of Independence, champion of human freedom, and third President of the United States. Jefferson had an abiding faith in the people, but he knew that the success of that experiment begun on July 4th, 1776, depended on an informed citizenry. "If a nation expects to be ignorant and free in a state of civilization, it expects what never was and never will be." Jefferson wrote that. It's fitting then that this Library of Congress—this great clearinghouse for ideas, knowledge, and culture—is open to every citizen. Nearly 2 1/2 million people visited this library last year. It's one of the great institutions of our nation, reflecting the values and openness of a free society.

October 26, 1987

In most areas of governmental concern, the States uniquely possess the constitutional authority, the resources, and the competence to discern the sentiments of the people and to govern accordingly. In Thomas Jefferson's words, the States are "the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies."

November 5, 1987

Thomas Jefferson once wrote: "The fortune of our lives depends on employing well the short period of our youth." Well, that's what this report and the effort we're making is all about. We want all of America's children to reach their fullest potential, to reach adulthood capable of living life to its fullest and taking advantage of the tremendous freedom of our country. As I said earlier, this is not just government's job; it's up to all of us.

January 5, 1988

Thomas Jefferson once said that one of the toughest tasks of any President was finding the right person for the right job. Well, I'm grateful that those of you we honor today are people who worked your way into positions of responsibility and have taken that responsibility seriously.

January 25, 1988

In the spirit of Jefferson, let us affirm that in this Chamber tonight there are no Republicans, no Democrats—just Americans. Yes, we will have our differences, but let us always remember what unites us far outweighs whatever divides us. Those who sent us here to serve them—the millions of Americans watching and listening tonight-expect this of us.

April 13, 1988

When he stood before this group almost 27 years ago, President Kennedy said that, "The President of a great democracy such as ours and the editors of great newspapers such as yours owe a common obligation to the people to present the facts with candor and in perspective." Well, I certainly agree. Whether one is working in the Oval Office or in the newsrooms of America, whether one is putting together the Nation's policies or the next day's edition, the purpose is the same: the continuing purpose of defending America's liberties and passing them on to the next generation. And truth be told, in the greater scheme of things, you are—I hesitate to say this—more essential to that common pursuit than I am. And that's why freedom of the press is, and must always be, above politics—something all jurists and all legislators and all Presidents agree on. As Jefferson said—and he was right: "When the press is free and every man able to read, all is safe."

June 17, 1988

World trade will, of course, represent a topic of central concern at the Toronto summit, and so I thought I'd share with you some of my thoughts about the international economy. First, underlying principles-listen, if you will, to these words written by Thomas Jefferson: "Our interest will be to throw open the door of commerce and to knock off all its shackles, giving perfect freedom to all persons for the vent of whatever they may choose to bring into our ports, and asking the same in theirs." In short, protectionism in any country does damage to all. And so, the goal of the administration has been to open the markets of other countries, not to close America's markets.

June 22, 1988

Opening, not closing, markets is why a new trade bill at home must encourage free and fair trade and not establish barriers that will lead to retaliation. Our goal, the goal of both the executive and legislative branches, should be sound, coherent, consistent trade policy, a trade bill that does not seek short-term political gains but long-term economic prosperity for all Americans in a market-driven world economy. What Thomas Jefferson said long ago still applies: "Our interest will be to throw open the door of commerce and to knock off all its shackles, giving perfect freedom to all persons for the vent of whatever they may choose to bring into our ports, and asking the same of theirs." Clear back then—Thomas Jefferson. And by the way, that a 20th century President can quote Jefferson on trade says a great deal about America's abiding interest in free markets, even from our earliest days. I told Tom that when he said it. [Laughter]

August 14, 1988

Thank all of you, and thank you, Frank and Mary. It's great to be in New Orleans. You know, I always feel at home here in Louisiana because, you know, I'm the fella that talked Tom Jefferson into buying it. [Laughter]

September 10, 1988

I believe that the education of all Americans must be rooted in the self-evident truths of Western civilization. These are the truths that have been passed down like precious heirlooms from generation to generation since the generations began. Since the founding of this Nation, education and democracy have gone hand in hand. Thomas Jefferson not only wrote the Declaration of Independence and served as our third President but also founded one of our most distinguished institutions of higher learning, the University of Virginia.

Jefferson and the Founders believed a nation that governs itself, like ours, must rely upon an informed and engaged electorate. Their purpose was not only to teach all Americans how to read and write but to instill the self-evident truths that are the anchors of our political system—truths, to quote Jefferson, such as: "all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness."

This is our precious heritage. And our political freedoms—the freedom to speak, to practice our religions, to assemble peacefully-are the product of ideas that were born and nurtured in the great tradition of Western civilization. That tradition does not say "some men" have these rights; it says "all men," everywhere on this Earth. Whether of Asian, Hispanic, or African descent, no matter what color, every American is the inheritor of our great cultural tradition.

That's why I've supported, and continue to support, all efforts to teach our children about our culture, to read great texts and learn their lessons. Bill Bennett, our Secretary of Education, has just reported on the state of elementary education in our country. That report, entitled "James Madison Elementary School," presents an outline for what every elementary school curriculum should include. It is suffused with the glory of Western civilization, and I salute it.

October 3, 1988

All over the world, America is known as a "land of liberty." For the settlers who first came to America by ship in the 17th century, this new land promised a New World, and a new chance to make possible the oldest of dreams—the dream of personal liberty. The early settlers and explorers found an abundance of land—virgin forests, untouched meadows, bountiful streams, and sweet-smelling air—that vastly exceeded anything the kings of the old world could have ever imagined. In his first inaugural address, Thomas Jefferson spoke of a country with land sufficient to "the thousand thousandth generation." There was so much land in America that there was no way to restrict it to a privileged few. Instead of locking it up for the exclusive use of royalty, the Founding Fathers made possible the widespread ownership of the lands west of the original colonies by anyone brave enough to take the risk, to grasp the main chance, and to hope for a better tomorrow.

December 16, 1988 10:35am

Here at UVA, we are surrounded with memories of Thomas Jefferson. One of my staff mentioned that Thomas Jefferson's favorite recreation was horseback riding, and I said he was a wise man. [Laughter] And another member of the staff said that Thomas Jefferson thought the White House was a noble edifice, and I said he was a man of refined taste. [Laughter] And a third staff member noted that, after retiring as President, Thomas Jefferson, in his seventies, didn't sit back and rest, but founded the University of Virginia; and I said: There's always an overachiever which makes it hard for the rest of us.

But no speaker can come to these grounds or see the Lawn without appreciating the symmetry not just of the architecture but of the mind that created it. The man to whom that mind belonged is known to you as Mr. Jefferson. And I think the familiarity of that term is justified; his influence here is everywhere. And yet, while those of you at UVA are fortunate to have before you physical reminders of the power of your founder's intellect and imagination, it should be remembered that all you do here, indeed, all of higher education in America, bears signs, too, of his transforming genius. The pursuit of science, the study of the great works, the value of free inquiry, in short, the very idea of the living the life of the mind—yes, these formative and abiding principles of higher education in America had their first and firmest advocate, and their greatest embodiment, in a tall, fair-headed, friendly man who watched this university take form from the mountainside where he lived, the university whose founding he called a crowning achievement to a long and well-spent life.

Well, you're not alone in feeling his presence. Presidents know about this, too. You've heard many times that during the first year of his Presidency, John F. Kennedy said to a group of Nobel laureates in the State Dining Room of the White House that there had not been such a collection of talent in that place since Jefferson dined there alone. [Laughter] And directly down the lawn and across the Ellipse from the White House are those ordered, classic lines of the Jefferson Memorial and the eyes of the 19-foot statue that gaze directly into the White House, a reminder to any of us who might occupy that mansion of the quality of mind and generosity of heart that once abided there and has been so rarely seen there again.

But it's not just students and Presidents, it is every American—indeed, every human life ever touched by the daring idea of self-government—that Mr. Jefferson has influenced. Yes, Mr. Jefferson was obliged to admit all previous attempts at popular government had proven themselves failures. But he believed that here on this continent, as one of his commentators put it, "here was virgin soil, an abundance of land, no degrading poverty, a brave and intelligent people which had just vindicated its title to independence after a long struggle with the mightiest of European powers."

Well, here was another chance, an opportunity for enlightened government, government based on the principles of reason and tolerance, government that left to the people the fruits of their labor and the pursuit of their own definition of happiness in the form of commerce or education or religion. And so, it's no wonder he asked that his epitaph read simply: "Here was born [buried] Thomas Jefferson, Author of the Declaration of [American] Independence, of the Statute of Virginia for religious freedom, and Father of the University of Virginia."

Well, as that epitaph shows, for all his learning and bookishness, Mr. Jefferson was a practical man, a man who made things, things like a university, a State government, a National Government. In founding and sustaining these institutions, he wanted them to be based on the same symmetry, the same balance of mind and faith in human creativity evidenced in the Lawn. He had known personal tragedy. He knew how disorderly a place the world could be. Indeed, as a leader of a rebellion, he was himself an architect, if you will, of disorder. But he also believed that man had received from God a precious gift of enlightenment-the gift of reason, a gift that could extract from the chaos of life meaning, truth, order.

Just as we see in his architecture, the balancing of circular with linear, of rotunda with pillar, we see in his works of government the same disposition toward balance, toward symmetry and harmony. He knew successful self-government meant bringing together disparate interests and concerns, balancing, for example, on the one hand, the legitimate duties of government—the maintenance of domestic order and protection from foreign menace—with government's tendency to preempt its citizens' rights, take the fruits of their labors, and reduce them ultimately to servitude. So he knew that governing meant balance, harmony. And he knew from personal experience the danger posed to such harmony by the voices of unreason, special privilege, partisanship, or intolerance.

And I do mean personal experience. You see, despite all of George Washington's warnings about the divisiveness of the partisan spirit, Federalists and Republicans were constantly at each other in those days. The Federalists of the Northeast had held power for a long time and were not anxious to relinquish it. Years later, a New York Congressman honored the good old days when, as he put it, "a Federalist could knock a Republican down in the streets of New York and not be questioned about it." The Federalists referred to Mr. Jefferson as-and here I quote—"a mean-spirited, low-lived fellow, raised wholly on hotcake made of coarse-ground Southern corn, bacon, and hominy, with an occasional fricasseed bullfrog." [Laughter] Well, by the way—was the 1800 equivalent of what I believe is known here at UVA as a Gus Burger. [Laughter] And an editorial in the Federalist Connecticut Courant also announced that as soon as Mr. Jefferson was elected, "Murder, robbery, rape, and adultery and incest will be openly taught and practiced." [Laughter]

Well, that was politics in 1800. So, you see, not all that much has changed. [Laughter] Actually, I've taken a moment for these brief reflections on Thomas Jefferson and his time precisely because there are such clear parallels to our own. We too have seen a new populism in America, not at all unlike that of Jefferson's time. We've seen the growth of a Jefferson-like populism that rejects the burden placed on the people by excessive regulation and taxation; that rejects the notion that judgeships should be used to further privately held beliefs not yet approved by the people; and finally, rejects, too, the notion that foreign policy must reflect only the rarefied concerns of Washington rather than the common sense of a people who can frequently see far more plainly dangers to their freedom and to our national well-being.

It is this latter point that brings me to the University of Virginia today. There has been much change in the last 8 years in our foreign relations; and this September, when I spoke to the United Nations, I summarized much of the progress we've seen in such matters as the human rights agenda, arms reduction, and resolving those regional conflicts that might lead to wider war. I will not recite all of this here again today, but I do want you to know I found in the delegates afterward a warmth that I had not seen before—let me assure you, not due to any eloquence on my part but just a simple perception on their part that there is a chance for an opening, a new course in human events. I think I detected a sense of excitement, even perhaps like that felt by those who lived in Jefferson's time: a sense of new possibilities for the idea of popular government. Only this time, it's not just a single nation at issue: It is the whole world where popular government might flourish and prosper.

Only a few years ago, this would have seemed the most outlandish and dreamiest of prospects. But consider for just a moment the striving for democracy that we have seen in places like the Philippines, Burma, Korea, Chile, Poland, South Africa—even places like China and the Soviet Union. One of the great, unnoticed-and yet most startling—developments of this decade is this: More of the world's populace is today living in relative freedom than ever before in history; more and more nations are turning to freely elected democratic governments.

The statistics themselves are compelling. According to one organization, Freedom House, in the past 15 years the number of countries called not free declined from 71 to 50. And the countries classified as free or partly free increased from 92 to 117. When you consider that, according to the Freedom House count, 70 percent of those not living in freedom are in China and the Soviet Union—and even in those nations, as I say, we see glimpses of hope—the picture is even brighter. The most dramatic movement of all has taken place: More than 90 percent of the people are now living in countries that are democratic or headed in that direction.

This democratic revolution has been accompanied by a change in economic thinking comparable to the Newtonian revolution in physics, and that is no accident. Free-market economies have worked miracles in several nations of East Asia. A U.N. General Assembly special session on Africa has called for more market-oriented structural reform in that region. In Europe the tide is against state ownership of property. And even in China and the Soviet Union the theoretical underpinnings of Socialist economics are being reexamined.

In this atmosphere, we've continued to emphasize prudent but deepening development of economic ties which are critical to our economic health in the conduct of our foreign policy. In our own hemisphere, we're about to implement an historic free trade agreement between the United States and Canada that could well serve as a model for the world.

These democratic and free-market revolutions are really the same revolution. They are based on the vital nexus between economic and political freedom and on the Jeffersonian idea that freedom is indivisible, that government's attempts to encroach on that freedom—whether it be through political restrictions on the rights of assembly, speech, or publication, or economic repression through high taxation and excessive bureaucracy-have been the principal institutional barrier to human progress:

But if this remarkable revolution has not been obvious to many, certainly one other eye-opening change has been self-evident. Consider for just a moment the sights we've seen this year: an American President with his Soviet counterpart strolling through Red Square and talking to passers-by about war and peace; an American President there in the Lenin Hills of Moscow speaking to the students of Moscow State University, young people like yourselves, about the wonder and splendor of human freedom; an American President, only last week, with a future American President and the President of the Soviet Union standing in New York Harbor, looking up at Lady Liberty, hearing again the prayer on the lips of all those millions who once passed that way in hope of a better life and future—a prayer of peace and freedom for all humanity.

And, yes, even this week in the devastation of Armenia, Americans and Russians making common cause, as we once made common cause against another terrible enemy 44 years ago. But it's not the visuals and the sound bites that matter. Behind all of this is a record of diplomatic movement and accomplishment.

One of those visuals you've seen in the last year is the signing of accords between Mr. Gorbachev and me and the destruction of American and Soviet missiles. It was more than just good television, more than just action news. The INF treaty is the first accord in history to eliminate an entire class of U.S. and Soviet nuclear missiles. And the START treaty, which deals with far larger arsenals of long-range—or what the experts call strategic—weapons, calls for 50-percent reductions in such weapons.

In Geneva, where the portions of the draft treaty disputed by one side or the other are put in brackets, we are slowly seeing those brackets disappear. So, the treaty is coming closer. And so, too, there's progress on nuclear-testing agreements and chemical weapons, and we're about to begin new negotiations on the conventional balance in Europe. Mr. Gorbachev's recent announcement at the U.N. about troop reductions was most welcome and appreciated, but it's important to remember this is a part of and the result of a larger disarmament process set in motion several years ago.

Another area where the achievements are visible is that of regional conflicts. In Afghanistan, we've seen a settlement leading towards Soviet withdrawal. In Cambodia, the first steps have been taken toward withdrawal of Vietnamese troops. In Brazzaville, just this Tuesday, an American-mediated accord was signed that will send some 50,000 Cuban soldiers home from Angola—the second reversal of Cuban military imperialism after our rescue of Grenada in 1983.

In the matter of human rights, we've also seen extraordinary progress: the release of some political prisoners in the Soviet Union, initial steps toward a reduction of state economic controls and more politically representative forms of government, some greater scope to publish and speak critically, an increase in emigration, and visible steps toward greater religious freedom.

And finally, in our bilateral exchanges, we're seeing more Soviet and American citizens visiting each other's land and a greater interchange of scientific, cultural, and intellectual traditions. The summits themselves are indications of the progress we've made here. I look to the day when the meetings between the leaders of the Soviet Union and the United States will be regular and frequent and maybe not quite so newsworthy.

Where we're strong, steadfast; we succeed. In the Persian Gulf, the United States made clear its commitment to defend freedom of navigation and free world interests. And this helped hasten an end to the Gulf war. And the country stood firm for years, insisting that the PLO had to accept Israel's right to exist, sign on to Resolutions 242 and 338, and renounce terrorism. And now that resolve has paid off.

Now the democratic revolution that I talked about earlier and all the change and movement and, yes, breakthroughs that I've just cited on the diplomatic front can be directly attributed to the restoration of confidence on the part of democratic nations. There can be little doubt that in the decade of the eighties the cause of freedom and human rights has prospered and the specter of nuclear war has been pushed back because the democracies have recovered their strength—their compass.

Here at home, a national consensus on the importance of strong American leadership is emerging. As I said before the Congress at the start of this year: No legacy would make me more proud than leaving in place such a consensus for the cause of world freedom, a consensus that prevents a paralysis of American power from ever occurring again.

Now, I think much of the reason for all of this has to do with the new coherence and clarity that we've brought to our foreign policy, a new coherence based on a strong reaffirmation of values by the allied nations. The same idea that so energized Mr. Jefferson and the other founders of this nation-the idea of popular government—has driven the revival of the West and a renewal of its values and its beliefs in itself.

But now the question: How do we keep the world moving toward the idea of popular government? Well, today I offer three thoughts—reflections and warnings at the same time—on how the Soviet-American relationship can continue to improve and how the cause of peace and freedom can be served.

First, the Soviet-American relationship: Once marked by sterility and confrontation, this relationship is now characterized by dialog—realistic, candid dialog—serious diplomatic progress, and the sights and sounds of summitry. All of this is heady, inspiring. And yet my first reflection for you today is: All of it is still in doubt. And the only way to make it last and grow and become permanent is to remember we're not there yet.

Serious problems, fundamental differences remain. Our system is one of checks and balances. Theirs, for all its reforms, remains a one-party authoritarian system that institutionalizes the concentration of power. Our foreign relations embrace this expanding world of democracy that I've described. Theirs can be known by the company they keep: Cuba, Nicaragua, Ethiopia, Libya, Vietnam, North Korea. Yes, we welcome Mr. Gorbachev's recent announcement of a troop reduction, but let us remember that the Soviet preponderance in military power in Europe remains, an asymmetry that offends our Jeffersonian senses and endangers our future.

So, we must keep our heads, and that means keeping our skepticism. We must realize that what has brought us here has not been easy, not for ourselves nor for all of those who have sacrificed and contributed to the cause of freedom in the postwar era.

So, this means in our treaty negotiations, as I've said: Trust, but verify. I'm not a linguist, but I learned to say that much Russian and have used it in frequent meetings with Mr. Gorbachev: "Dovorey no provorey." It means keeping our military strong. It means remembering no treaty is better than a bad treaty. It means remembering the accords of Moscow and Washington summits followed many years of standing firm on our principles and our interests, and those of our allies.

And finally, we need to recall that in the years of detente we tended to forget the greatest weapon the democracies have in their struggle is public candor: the truth. We must never do that again. It's not an act of belligerence to speak to the fundamental differences between totalitarianism and democracy; it's a moral imperative. It doesn't slow down the pace of negotiations; it moves them forward. Throughout history, we see evidence that adversaries negotiate seriously with democratic nations only when they knew the democracies harbor no illusions about those adversaries.

A second reflection I have on all this concerns some recent speculation that what is happening in the Soviet Union was in its way inevitable, that since the death of Stalin the Soviet state would have to evolve into a more moderate and status quo power in accordance with some vague theory of convergence. I think this is wrong. It's also dangerous, because what we see in the Soviet Union today is a change of a different order than in the past.

For example, whatever the Khrushchev era may or may not have represented in Soviet internal politics, we know how aspirations for greater freedom were crushed in Poland and Germany and, even more bloodily, in Hungary. We also saw the construction of the Berlin Wall. We saw Cuba become an active client state, a client state spreading subversion throughout Latin America and bringing the entire world to the brink of war with the "missiles of October."

And let me assure you, Mr. Khrushchev gave no speeches at the U.N. like that recently given by Mr. Gorbachev. As one British U.N. official said about Khrushchev appearances there: "We were never quite sure whether it was, indeed, Mr. Khrushchev's shoe being used to pound the Soviet desk or whether Mr. Gromyko's shoe had been borrowed or whether there was an extra shoe kept under the Soviet podium especially for banging purposes." [Laughter]

Now, all of this was hardly encouraging for the growth of freedom and the path to peace. We know too what happened in the Brezhnev era: greater and greater expansionism; Afghanistan; economic decay and overwhelming corruption; a greater and greater burden on the peoples of the Soviet Union, on all the peoples of the world.

Now this is changing. How much and how fast it will change we do not know. I would like to think that actions by this country, particularly our willingness to make ourselves clear—our expressions of firmness and will evidenced by our plain talk, strong defenses, vibrant alliances, and readiness to use American power when American power was needed—helped to prompt the reappraisal that Soviet leaders have undertaken of their previous policies. Even more, Western resolve demonstrated that the hard-line advocated by some within the Soviet Union would be fruitless, just as our economic successes have set a shining example. As I suggested in 1982, if the West maintained its strength, we would see economic needs clash with the political order in the Soviet Union. This has happened. But it could not have happened if the West had not maintained—indeed, strengthened—its will, its commitment to world freedom.

So, there was nothing inevitable about all of this. Human actions made the difference. Mr. Gorbachev has taken some daring steps. As I've said before, this is the first Soviet leader not to make world revolution a priority. Well, let us credit those steps. Let us credit him. And let us remember, too, that the democracies, with their strength and resolve and candor, have also made a difference.

And this is the heart of my point: What happens in the next few years, whether all this progress is continued or ended—this is, in large part, up to us. It's why now, more then ever, we must not falter. American power must be exercised morally, of course, but it must also be exercised, and exercised effectively. For the cause of peace and freedom in the eighties, that power made all the difference. The nineties will prove no different.

And this brings us to my third point: the relationship between the Executive and the Congress. It's precisely where Congress and the President have worked together—as in Afghanistan and Cambodia, or resolved differences, as in Angola, the Persian Gulf, and many aspects of U.S.-Soviet relations—precisely there, our policies have succeeded, and we see progress. But where Congress and the President have engaged each other as adversaries, as over Central America, U.S. policies have faltered and our common purposes have not been achieved.

Congress' on-again, off-again indecisiveness on resisting Sandinista tyranny and aggression has left Central America a region of continuing danger. Sometimes congressional actions in foreign affairs have had the effect of institutionalizing that kind of adversarial relationship. We see it in the War Powers Resolution, in the attempted restrictions on the President's power to implement treaties, and on trade policy. We see it in the attempt to manage complex issues of foreign policy by the blunt instrument of legislation—such as unduly restrictive intelligence oversight, limits on arms transfers, and earmarking of 95 percent of our foreign assistance—denying a President the ability to respond flexibly to rapidly changing conditions. Even in arms reduction, a President's ability to succeed depends on congressional support for military modernization-sometimes attempts are made to weaken my hand.

The Founding Fathers understood the need for effectiveness, coherence, consistency, and flexibility in the conduct of foreign affairs. As Jefferson himself said: "The transaction of business with foreign nations is Executive altogether. It belongs, then, to the head of that department, except as to such portions of it as are specially submitted to the Senate. Exceptions are to be construed strictly."

Well, the President and the Vice President are elected by all the people. So, too, is the Congress as a collegial body. All who are elected to serve in these coordinate departments of our National Government have one unmistakable and undeniable mandate: to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution. To this—this foremost-they must always be attentive. For a President, it means protecting his office and its place in our constitutional framework. In doing that, the President is accountable to the people in the most direct way, accountable to history and to his own conscience.

The President and Congress, to be sure, share many responsibilities. But their roles are not the same. Congress alone, for example, has the power of the purse. The President is chief executive, chief diplomat, and commander in chief. How these great branches of government perform their legitimate roles is critically important to the Nation's ability to succeed, nowhere more so than in the field of foreign affairs. They need each other and must work together in common cause with all deference, but within their separate spheres.

Today we live in a world in which America no longer enjoys preponderant power, but must lead by example and persuasion; a world of pressing new challenges to our economic prosperity; a world of new opportunities for peace and of new dangers. In such a world, more than ever, America needs strong and consistent leadership, and the strength and resilience of the Presidency are vital.

I think if we can keep these concerns in mind during the coming years public debate and support will be enhanced and America's foreign policy will continue to prosper. All of us know the terrible importance of maintaining the progress we've made in the decade of the eighties. We're moving away from war and confrontation toward peace and freedom, and today toward a future beyond the imaginings of the past. These are the stakes. Some may find such prospects daunting. I think you should find them challenging and exciting. And I think you can see that in all of this you and your country will have a special role to play.

The issue before the world is still the same as the one that Jefferson faced so squarely and so memorably: Can human beings manage their own affairs? Is self-determination and popular, representative government possible? Mr. Jefferson's work and life amounted to a great, mighty assent to that question. So, too, will yours and America's if we can keep in mind the greatest and last lesson of Jefferson's life. And it has something to do with what I just spoke to—about the Executive and Congress.

I'm fond of recollecting that in the last years of their lives John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, who had worked so hard and well together for the Nation's independence, both came to regret that they had let partisan differences come between them. For years their estrangement lasted. But then, when both retired, Jefferson at 68 to Monticello and Adams at 76 to Quincy, they began through their letters to speak again to each other, letters that discussed almost every conceivable subject: gardening, horseback riding, even sneezing as a cure for hiccups— [laughter] —but other subjects as well: the loss of loved ones; the mystery of grief and sorrow; the importance of religion; and, of course, the last thoughts, the final hopes of two old men, two great patriarchs, for the country that they had helped to found and loved so deeply.

"It carries me back," Jefferson wrote about his correspondence with his cosigner of the Declaration of Independence, "to the times when, beset with difficulties and dangers, we were fellow laborers in the same cause, struggling for what is most valuable to man: his right to self-government. Laboring always at the same oar, with some wave ever ahead threatening to overwhelm us and yet passing harmless we rowed through the storm with heart and hand."

It was their last gift to us, this lesson in tolerance for each other, in charity, this insight into America's strength as a nation. And when both died on the same day, within hours of each other, the date was July 4th, 50 years exactly after that first gift to us: the Declaration of Independence.

A great future is ours and the world's if we but remember the power of those words Mr. Jefferson penned not just for Americans but for all humanity: "that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."

Thank you, and God bless you.

December 16, 1988 11:45am

But you know, as I look at this remarkable university which, from its academic ideals to its magnificent grounds, is so fully the product of a single man's vision, I have to say that Thomas Jefferson would be proud of this school—yes, proud of how far it's come, but even more for how closely it's stayed true to its traditions. In fact, I remember when Thomas Jefferson told me personally that his— [laughter] —that his favorite movie was "It's a Wonderful Life." I know that film has become an institution here. And if it would be hard to imagine the mythical village of Bedford Falls without George Bailey, as played by my friend Jimmy Stewart, think how much harder it would be to imagine Charlottesville, much less America, if there had been no Thomas Jefferson.

To imagine that is almost beyond our grasp, but the underlying idea is very plain and also very exciting: that your life not only can but necessarily must make such a great difference in the lives of others, and in the world, that without you little would be the same. And that's never been more true than for your generation because today the rate of change is so remarkable that each one of you will be creating, literally inventing, a new future each step of the way.

January 13, 1989

I believe now, as I alway have, that America's strength is in "We the People." This great experiment in faith and freedom will rise or fall on the courage of "We the People." And you who have so willingly and ably taken up the burdens of freedom, through the Knights and throughout your lives, you who are surely part of what Jefferson called our natural aristocracy, you will surely be in the front as "We the People" turn to the dawn of America's tomorrows.

August 17, 1992

What they truly don't understand is the principle so eloquently stated by Abraham Lincoln: "You cannot strengthen the weak by weakening the strong. You cannot help the wage-earner by pulling down the wage-payer. You cannot help the poor by destroying the rich. You cannot help men permanently by doing for them what they could and should do for themselves."

If we ever hear the Democrats quoting that passage by Lincoln and acting like they mean it, then, my friends, we will know that the opposition has really changed.

Until then, we see all that rhetorical smoke, billowing out from the Democrats, well ladies and gentlemen, I'd follow the example of their nominee. Don't inhale.

This fellow they've nominated claims he's the new Thomas Jefferson. Well, let me tell you something. I knew Thomas Jefferson. He was a friend of mine. And governor, you're no Thomas Jefferson.

President George H.W. Bush

Boston September 23, 1989

Many years ago, one of my predecessors, a man trained and accomplished in the same profession as yourselves, found himself facing a crisis of conviction. Many Americans had come to doubt the very foundations upon which this nation was laid. And it was widely suggested that the early success of the United States was an accident of natural wealth. People said that the sophisticated problems of modern times required a rethinking of the democratic institutions of our nation's youth.

The President was burdened by a troubling question: Do the founders of our nation have anything to say to the present day, or is it necessary to start over on a new basis? The man was Thomas Jefferson, and the occasion, his Inaugural Address. And the response he made to that crisis is as forceful today as it was in his own age, for Jefferson understood that the essence of America lies not in shared real estate but in shared values, not in a common ancestry but in a common vision.

So, he spoke of the rights of responsibilities of free citizens. "Every difference of opinion," he warned, "is not a difference of principle." And he singled out one such unyielding principle as fundamental to our continued life as a nation: "equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political."

And the challenge that Thomas Jefferson delivered to his fellow citizens -- I repeat it today; I deliver it to you this afternoon. And so, I challenge you, as Catholic lawyers, not to give in to the dismay of those today who in error or alarm have wandered from the basic convictions to which our nation is pledged. I challenge you to rekindle and foster a love of justice -- American justice -- a justice that knows no boundaries of race and sex, income or age.

Charlottesville September 27, 1989, 3:15pm

Welcome, welcome to Mr. Jefferson's university, the alma mater of President Woodrow Wilson. To Virginia's gracious Governor, Jerry Baliles, my thanks to you, sir. Our Senators -- I don't know if they made it -- Chuck Robb and John Warner -- but I know they plan to come. And, of course, Congressman for this district, French Slaughter.

I call it Mr. Jefferson's university, as nearly everyone else does in this marvelous city of Charlottesville. In fact, President Taft said once that they still spoke about Mr. Jefferson as though he were in the next room -- his spirit more real than the painting of Plato and Aristotle behind me, or the statue of Homer outside on the lawn.

Although his ideas on individual freedom, humanism and the inalienable rights of man stand alone in the history of this republic, Mr. Jefferson had one overriding vision that he did not see realized in his lifetime, but one which has over the past 200 years been fulfilled: a vision of strong public education, a public education system in this country second to none. It's a system that has brought Americans from all walks of life together, enabled all citizens to build better lives for themselves; a system that has given us Neil Armstrong, and Martin Luther King, Jonas Salk, Sandra Day O'Connor; a system unparalleled in the world.

But today millions of Americans cannot read. Some never even make it to graduation, dropping out of school and society as well. Drugs have invaded our classrooms, violence has entered our schoolyards, and clearly the enlightened America dreamed of by Thomas Jefferson still eludes us. And so, the Governors have accepted my invitation to come together for open and candid discussions about the future of American education. And I am grateful to each and every one of you, and I appreciate the depth of commitment shown by everyone assembled here today…

Shortly we're going to leave this hall and walk down the lawn to the Rotunda for the first of our working group meetings. On the way we will pass -- walk past Pavilion Seven, known as the Colonnade Club. The cornerstone of that building was laid by three great Americans -- Presidents Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. And as you walk past that Colonnade Club, let us think of these three men and what they envisioned for the Republic. Think of the schools the founders sought to establish to develop the character of students with values like honesty and discipline and public service. And let us work together these next 2 days in a spirit of total frankness, total honesty. And let's not be afraid, as Mr. Jefferson said, to follow truth, wherever it may lead.

Charlottesville September 27, 1989, 8:25pm

Welcome, welcome. I will try to keep it short. You see, the record has already been set for toasts here in Charlottesville at the university. Back in 1824, Mr. Jefferson hosted a dinner in the Dome Room of the Rotunda for the Marquis de Lafayette attended by former Presidents Monroe and Madison. It was an elegant dinner. The libations flowed freely -- so freely, in fact, that 13 formal toasts ensued. [Laughter] And looking around here, only to be followed by 37 more impromptu toasts. That's the one tradition that I would like to discourage tonight.

This afternoon, though, we did begin an historic summit -- 2 days of what will be a lot of hours and hard work. The issues before us in the working sessions are profound. The solutions that we seek will not be simple ones. But I am absolutely confident that the spirit which inspired the founders of this nation, and particularly this university, is ever-present tonight as we gather at the beloved mountaintop home of President Thomas Jefferson. Below us, outside of this tent, we can see the twinkling limits and lights of Charlottesville; above us, the quiet pastures of Brown's Mountain. Not far down the mountain road is Ashland Highlands, the home of President Monroe. And we're overlooking the "academical village" founded by Mr. Jefferson 170 years ago. Earlier, at sunset, we could see the Rotunda and the purple shadows of The Lawn -- once an open-ended field that looked out to the Blue Ridge Mountains of Virginia. It was Mr. Jefferson's wish that it remain that way so that students would look out to the horizon poised between their education and their future.

Today, in the Rotunda, we worked in that elusive area between education and the future, defining our dream for excellence and giving shape to our hopes for America. And it was one day shortly before he died, right here, that Mr. Jefferson gazed at the Rotunda and said that establishing his university was "the last act of usefulness that I can render my country." Building the Rotunda and the university were the crowning achievements of the "Sage of Monticello," and yet he knew that without the creativity and the intellectual challenge of a great faculty, his new center of living and center of thought would be nothing more than bricks and mortar. He searched for the best in Europe and brought them to teach at the university as new citizens -- except in the subject of law, to be taught only by a resident American.

In fact, Jefferson's favorite teacher was his own law professor, George Wythe, a man who also taught him the essentials of ancient philosophy and the classics. I'm sure everyone here has a favorite teacher. I think back myself to the 12th grade, to Professor A.B. Darling, that some elitist ivy-leaguers might remember -- [laughter] -- but in my case, this man made the immortals of American history come to life. And I'm not going to give you equal time because I'll bet you every Governor here has a special teacher that he remembers. Today, as it was in Jefferson's time, it is America's teachers who enlighten our young people and inspire them to excellence. You know, Jefferson knew this, writing once that aside from education, "no other sure foundation can be devised for the preservation of freedom and happiness."

And so, tonight I would like to toast those who have heard the call and followed it -- those who have sacrificed so much in order that America might enjoy a sure foundation of freedom and happiness. And I toast our teachers -- those who taught us, those who sacrifice to teach our children, and those among us who have been members of this proud profession, the 6 members of my Cabinet -- 6 -- and the 13 Governors present who are former teachers. And just to give a small plug for alternative certification, there is one person present who has never held a teaching position, yet has been a leader in the fight against illiteracy, and that is my wife, Barbara.

We've come to this spectacular home of Thomas Jefferson to build upon his dreams of a strong system of education for all. But without our teachers, without their vision and their dedication, the dream would be lost. And so I ask you now to join me in a toast, a salutation to the teachers of America. God bless them all, and God bless the United States. To the teachers!

Charlottesville September 28, 1989

As you may have noticed during the course of this unprecedented education summit, Virginia law and tradition oblige us to publicly invoke the name of Thomas Jefferson at least once or twice an hour. [Laughter] There are worse habits…

Our children are growing up in an age where wonder is commonplace, peace and prosperity often taken for granted. And our children are also the beneficiaries of a nation that lavishes unsurpassed resources on their schooling. So, in many ways we're close to fulfilling the Enlightenment dream of universal education, a dream that became a reality in the shadows of the Shenandoahs here at Mr. Jefferson's school.

And every step we take at this university is truly a walk in Thomas Jefferson's footsteps. When he first charted the ground on which we gather today, there was just a field of grass, a horizon limited only by the blue mountains beyond. But Jefferson surveyed a horizon that no one else could see. He saw the graceful dome of the Rotunda, the elegance of the Lawn and its pavilions. He saw meeting rooms and libraries and lecture halls teeming with professors, students yet unborn. Jefferson set out to fashion his rarified vision into solid reality, brick by brick, book by book. And it is his university, and his dream, that inspires us today to follow in his footsteps. As President O'Neil said, Thomas Jefferson, our first education president, was a relentless advocate for universal public education. "He had a fundamental conviction that on the good sense of an educated citizenry, we could build and defend a country of liberty and justice.”…

In essence, that is why we've gathered here at Mr. Jefferson's school. He was just one man, but look at what one man can do. Imagine what we can do, if we -- more than 50 strong -- are united by this great cause. So let us dream, and let us talk. And if need be let us argue, but in the end let us walk together on a journey to enlightenment, in the footsteps of Thomas Jefferson.

Washington December 9, 1991

When the Federal Convention ended in September 1787 and our Constitution was presented to the States for ratification, it was hailed by many as a triumph for liberty and self-government. "The Constitution," wrote Thomas Jefferson, "is unquestionably the wisest ever yet presented to men." Still, he and others voiced concern that it did not contain a declaration enumerating the rights of individuals. To Jefferson such a declaration was "what no just government should refuse or rest on inferences."

Opponents to the idea argued that a bill of rights would be unnecessary and perhaps even harmful, should it invite disregard for any rights that were not expressly stated. In their view, the Constitution that began with the words "We the People" clearly affirmed the sovereignty of the American public. But Jefferson and others persisted, noting that a declaration of rights would serve "as a supplement to the Constitution where that is silent." James Madison conceded that such a declaration might prove valuable because "political truths declared in that solemn manner acquire by degrees the character of fundamental maxims of free government." Today his words seem prophetic.

President Bill Clinton

January 20, 1993

In renewing our commitment to fellowship throughout our great Nation, we recall the spirit of Thomas Jefferson, who said on the occasion of his first inaugural address, "Let us, then, fellow citizens, unite with one heart and one mind. Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things."

February 19, 1993

I think of Thomas Jefferson. Some people thought he was crazy when he ponied up $15 million to buy something then called the Louisiana Purchase, which most Americans could not even imagine and hardly anyone had ever seen. And if he hadn't done it, since I live on the edge of the Louisiana Purchase, you'd be listening to somebody from somewhere else give this speech today.

February 20, 1993

Peter Jennings:

Right behind us here, of course, we can't go in this morning, but it's really one of the most beautiful rooms, the Blue Room, looking out onto the Jefferson Memorial.

President Bill Clinton:

It's very beautiful. And upstairs, just above it, there's another big oval room which President Franklin Roosevelt used as his office during World War II. And now we use it for formal receiving of foreign dignitaries. And it also looks directly out on the Jefferson Memorial. And there's a porch there that President Harry Truman put on, so I can go out at night now and look at the lights shining down on Thomas Jefferson's head. It's a wonderful sight.

March 1, 1993

The concept of community and the idea of service are as old as our history. They began the moment America was literally invented. Thomas Jefferson wrote in the Declaration of Independence, "With a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortune, and our sacred honor."

April 1, 1993

I think that no one has done better for 200 years than Thomas Jefferson did when he said-and Thomas Jefferson got a pretty rough press, too, from time to time if you go back and read how people worked on him. My consolation is no one remembers the people who falsely blasphemed him in print. [Laughter] But Thomas Jefferson said that if he had to choose between maintaining the Government and the freedom of the press, he would choose the freedom of the press because democracy could not exist without it. And I agree with that. And Government restraint in the face of criticism is in some ways the most important test of a true democracy.

April 13, 1993 12:42pm

Today we observe the birthday of perhaps the most brilliant of our Founding Fathers in a setting Thomas Jefferson would have very much approved: one that joins the beauty of human architecture with the rapturous side of nature, with the cherry blossoms bursting all around us in a wreath.

Mr. Jefferson used to say with some pride that the Sun never found him in bed, that he always rose early, and he was very proud of the fact that well into his seventies, he could ride a horse several miles a day without tiring. Well, in honor of his birthday, I rose early this morning and finding no horses around The White House, I ran over here and jogged around this magnificent Tidal Basin, seeing many of my fellow citizens who were here even before me, at the dawn, to see this magnificent sight.

Today we have come to lay our wreaths in honor of Thomas Jefferson, as his likeness towers behind us. And yet, no amount of bronze can capture the measure of the man who helped to cut a path for our Nation, who personally forged the principles that continue to guide us as Americans and as lovers of freedom.

As has already been said, this monument was dedicated a half a century ago, on the 200th anniversary of Jefferson's birthday by President Franklin Roosevelt, a worthy heir to the spirit of Jefferson. Were Jefferson here today, I think he would not want very much to talk about the America of his time; instead, he would be talking about the America of our time. He would certainly not be at a loss for ideas about what we ought to be doing, for he was a man blessed with an eye for invention, an ear for music, the hands of a farmer, the mind of a philosopher, the voice of a statesman, and the soul of a searcher for truth.

The genius of Thomas Jefferson was his ability to get the most out of today while never taking his eye off tomorrow, to think big while enjoying the little things of daily life. Perhaps most important, he understood that in order for us to preserve our timeless values, people have to change. And free people need to devise means by which they can change profoundly and still peacefully. If you go back to this monument after the ceremony, you will see on the wall in part the following quotation: "Laws and institutions must go hand-in-hand with the progress of the human mind as that becomes more developed, more enlightened, as new discoveries are made and new truths discovered, and manners and opinions change. With the change of circumstances, institutions must advance also to keep pace with the times."

A very modern statement from our third President. In his own time, the pace of change was enormous. just think back, during Jefferson's Presidency the steamboat made its debut, revolutionizing travel. The importing of slaves was banned, paving the way toward emancipation and the realignment of society. And he acquired the Louisiana Purchase for the then massive sum of $15 million. Turns out it was an awfully sound investment. It doubled the size of our Nation, it opened up a new frontier, and it enabled me to be born in the United States of America, and many of you as well, I suspect.

But believe it or not, every step along the way, Thomas Jefferson was opposed. There were people who opposed the Louisiana Purchase, people who opposed his then radical conception of human liberty, and both the power of individuals and the limitations of the Government. He fought, and he prevailed.

I wonder what he would say about our time, in which the pace of change is even greater. I think he would take great pride in the fact that we have now found ways to literally double the volume of knowledge every few years. But I think he would be terribly disappointed that our understanding in this country of the science and mathematics that he loved so much is still so limited and so inadequate when compared to that of many other nations.

I think he would be delighted that the principles of freedom for which he stood all his life finally resulted in the end of the cold war and the demise of communism. But I think he would be deeply disappointed that ethnic and racial and other hatreds had kept this world such a dangerous and unstable place, in ways that are blatantly unreasonable, as he defined reason.

I think he would be proud of the technological and economic advances of this time, of the increasing interconnection of peoples across national borders in a global economy. But I think he would be profoundly disturbed that even the richest countries are now having enormous difficulty in finding enough jobs for their people, including his own beloved United States, and that so much technological advance seems to bring the destruction of much of the environment, about which he cared so deeply.

I think Jefferson would be impressed at the enormous advances in health care. He cared a lot about his health, and he lived to be 83 largely by taking good care of himself. And I think he would be a little disappointed that more of us don't take better care of ourselves and appalled to think that the United States is the only advanced country where every person doesn't have access to affordable health care, something I hope we can change before long.

If you go up there and read what's on those walls, there is an incredibly moving statement where Jefferson said, he trembles to think that God is just when he considers the real meaning of the institution of slavery. So I think he would be delighted at the progress we have made in human rights and living together across racial lines. Because he had such a passionate belief in individual liberty, I think he would be delighted by the range of personal choices and freedom of speech that the American people enjoy today, even to say things that he would find offensive, for he understood the clear meaning of the First Amendment.

But I think he would be appalled at the lack of self-respect and self-control and respect for others which manifests itself in the kind of mindless violence to which this city and others have been subject for the last several years, and appalled at the millions of young people who will never know the full measure of their freedom because they have been raised without order, without love, without family, without even the basic safety which people need to be able almost to take for granted in order to be citizens of a real democracy. In short, I think Thomas Jefferson would tell us that this is one of those times when we need to change.

Clearly, the call for change that Jefferson made, he intended to be echoed generation after generation after generation. He believed if we set up the Constitution in the way that it was set up, that Americans of courage and good sense would always, always find themselves in the majority for change when they needed to be there. He believed in Government constantly being reformed by reason and popular will.

That is what this administration is trying to do now. We know that we have an economy that, even in growth, does not produce new jobs. We know that we have increased by 4 times the debt of this Nation over the last 12 years, and we don't have much to show for it. We know that the people have now courageously asked us to take on the problems of jobs and the deficit, the environment and education and health care, to try to put our people first again and make Government work for them.

The American people, deep in their bones, without even thinking about it, are the agents of change that Thomas Jefferson sought to write in perpetuity into our Constitution. For in the end, Thomas Jefferson understood that no politician, no government, no piece of paper could do for the American people what they would have to do for themselves. He understood better perhaps than any of his colleagues that the people of this country would always have to be not only the protectors of their own liberty but the agents of their own transformation and change. But he also knew that Government must be willing to supply the tools of that change. And that, very simply, is our task today. After all, what is a good education but a tool to a better life. What is a job but a tool to build self-sufficiency, self-esteem, and dignity for a worker and a family.

As I look around this Nation, I know that Thomas Jefferson would be very proud and pleased by much of what has happened here. I suspect it would amuse and surprise him and make him very proud to think that for most Americans, on most days, people from 150 and more racial and ethnic groups live together in not only peace and law abidingness but also mutual respect and reinforcing strength. I think that would make him proud. I think he would be proud of the generosity of spirit that characterizes our people and manifests itself most clearly at a time of national crisis and national tragedy. After all, in Jefferson's time people gave food and shelter to travelers who came to their doors at night, even when they were total strangers. Jefferson himself, at Monticello, often offered his home over the years to bone-weary travelers.

Today many of our people would do the same thing. But together, together, we have not faced the problems of the bone-weary travelers in our own land, nor have we faced the problems that we all share in common. We cannot turn the problems away. It is time for reasonable change. It is time for the Americans in our time to live up to the principles etched in stone in this magnificent memorial.

Just look at the beauty around us today. Do you know that in Mr. Jefferson's time almost all of this was a swamp? People avoided this place like the plague, because they were afraid of the plague. But with a plan, with investment, with effort, with vision, Americans transformed it. And from this inhospitable terrain rose the city before us, one of the most magnificent capitals in the history of the world. But the structures around us are simply buildings. They come to life only when they shake from the will of the people. That is what Thomas Jefferson knew.

We are the inheritors of Jefferson's rich legacy. On this the 250th anniversary of his birth, we can honor him best by remembering our own role in governing ourselves and our Nation: to speak, to move, to change, for it is only in change that we preserve the timeless values for which Thomas Jefferson gave his life, over two centuries ago.

April 13, 1993 8:30pm

I have tried as hard as I could to move toward constructive change for this country. Secretary Riley talked about this being Thomas Jefferson's 250th birthday. If Thomas Jefferson believed in anything, he believed in these three things: first, in education; second, in real personal liberty, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of association, freedom of the press; and third, in the absolute imperative of changing as times change.

If you go to the Jefferson Memorial here in this beautiful city, which is now bedecked with all of its wonderful cherry blossoms, you will see Jefferson saying that we have to change with changing times. For us here in America that means reducing our deficit and increasing our investment and putting our people first so that we can compete in the world. We're here to talk about that tonight, about what we can do to educate and train our people better. Unless we do that, none of the efforts that all the rest of us make in Government, even to bring the budget into balance, even to increase our investment in other things which will grow jobs, will last in the long run.

April 30, 1993

Thomas Jefferson understood the greater purpose of the liberty that our Founding Fathers sought during the creation of our Nation. Although it was against the British that the colonists fought for political rights, the true source of the rights of man was clearly stated in the Declaration of Independence. Jefferson wrote that all humans are "endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights . . . ." It was self-evident to him that denying these rights was wrong and that he and others must struggle to win what was theirs.

May 12, 1993 3:50pm

Here Mr. Lincoln asked our country to confront the cost of the spread of slavery, to ask hard questions about the conditions that had plagued our Nation since its beginning. Remember it was Thomas Jefferson, not Abraham Lincoln—Thomas Jefferson the slave owner—who said, "I tremble when I think of slavery to consider that God is just." There were people who knew in their hearts the truth but had denied it a long time.

May 12, 1993 9:35pm

You have to be a part of that. I want you to leave here tonight knowing that I still want that just as badly as I did in the election. I did not run for this job to move into The White House, as great an honor as that is. I did not run for this job even to have the enormous privilege of standing on Harry Truman's balcony and looking at the statue of Thomas Jefferson every night. I ran for it to be faithful to the tradition they established by making your life better, and you have to help me do that.

June 14, 1993

Today, vast changes are sweeping the globe. Nations that have known only tyranny for centuries are now dedicating themselves to the ideals of freedom and democracy. And wherever freedom is proclaimed, echoes of the American Declaration of Independence can be heard. Thomas Jefferson's words are being spoken in dozens of nations in hundreds of languages.

We are justly proud of the influence that our beliefs have had on the world. But the mission of America is far from complete. While the world is filled with opportunity, it is rife with uncertainty. We must dedicate ourselves to carrying on the dreams of the Founders and adding our own chapter to the unfinished American story.

July 24, 1993

I want to say one last thing to all of you. Thomas Jefferson, whose memorial is right back over there and was built 50 years ago this year, was fond of saying that the Earth belongs to the living in trust; that all of us have to balance our lives between doing what is good for us today and what is good for our country, our families, our friends, and our children and grandchildren tomorrow. That means that for all the opportunities you will have, and you young men will have more than most Americans, you have an immense responsibility to give something back to your country. One day you will understand that even more clearly than you do today, although I wish that Americans twice your age understood it as well as you clearly do at this moment.

September 7, 1993

Our Founders clearly understood that every generation would have to reinvent the Government, and they knew that long before the Government was nearly as big or cumbersome or bureaucratic or far-reaching as it is today. Thomas Jefferson said, laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of human mind as that becomes more developed, more enlightened, as new discoveries are made and new truths discovered and manners and opinions change. With the change of circumstances, institutions must advance also to keep pace with the time.

October 23, 1993

This ceremony has been observed in captivity and exile and in freedom, on every continent and in virtually every country, and yet essentially it remains the same. And it is especially appropriate that we observe it here this evening on the occasion of your 150th anniversary on the steps of this memorial dedicated to the father of religious freedom in America, Thomas Jefferson, on the occasion of the year in which we celebrate his 250th birthday and the 50th anniversary of this Jefferson Memorial.

Jefferson attained a great deal of glory in his life. He was known and revered around the world. And yet when he died, he asked that on his tombstone it be printed only that he was the author of the Declaration of Independence, the founder of the University of Virginia, and perhaps most of all, the author of the Statute of Virginia for Religious Freedom. In other words, Jefferson understood that in the end, the deepest power of all in human affairs, the power of ideas and ideals. In words inscribed just up these steps on this memorial, he said, "Almighty God hath created the mind free . . . No man shall be compelled to frequent or support any religious worship or ministry or shall otherwise suffer on account of his religious opinion or belief, but all men shall be free to profess and by argument to maintain their opinions in matters of religion."

April 11, 1994

We thought of how we might best honor Mr. Jefferson on this evening. And I did a little research and discovered that in addition to this being the end of our observation of the 250th anniversary of Thomas Jefferson's birth, it is also the 200th anniversary of the birth of Edward Everett, who, like Thomas Jefferson and Warren Christopher, served as Secretary of State and whom you will all remember was supposed to be the person who delivered the real Gettysburg Address, at least according to Garry Wills. [Laughter] And so I thought I could follow Edward Everett's lead and speak for 2 hours tonight. [Laughter] And then I decided I wouldn't do that, that tonight should belong to Thomas Jefferson.

Let me say that any person who is fortunate enough to be Secretary of State or Ambassador to France or Vice President or President feels immediately, in many ways, a great debt to Thomas Jefferson. But in a larger sense, every citizen who ever benefited from the powerful ideas of the Declaration of Independence, the devotion to education embodied in the founding of the University of Virginia, the belief in the first amendment enshrined in the statutes of religious liberty, all of us are in his debt.

Tonight, I ask you to think of only one or two things as we begin this fine evening. Jefferson had the right tensions and balances in his life, and that is why he seems so new to us today. He believed that life had to be driven by fixed principles—life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness—but that we all had to be willing to be constantly changing. Life belongs to the living.

He believed that we all had a right to a radical amount of freedom, in return for which we had to assume a dramatic amount of responsibility. He always was trying to accomplish very big things, but the richness and texture of his life, and the reason it seems so relevant to us today, is that he took such great joy in all the little things of daily life. And it was those things that enabled him to be not just a philosopher and a politician and a lawyer but also an architect and a scientist, a person who enjoyed the large and the small, who believed that life should be driven by eternal principles in constant change, who would gladly have given his life for freedom and who exercised that freedom so responsibly. Oh, if only we could do as well.

On this 250th anniversary of his beginning, at the end of a wonderful year which included, for me and Hillary and our administration, the fact that we got to start our Inaugural at Monticello, let us raise our glasses in a toast not to the memory of Thomas Jefferson but to the vitality of his spirit and his ideas in our own lives and those of our country men and women for all time to come.

April 12, 1994

Last night, we celebrated the last day of the year celebrating the 250th birthday of Thomas Jefferson, the man whom all of you know said if he had to choose between a Government without a press or the press without Government, he would unhesitatingly choose the latter. I might point out that he said that before he became President of the United States. [Laughter]

But if you think about what Jefferson and the other Founders did, they had this uncanny sense of what it would take to preserve a republic, a democracy: To permit government enough power so that its exercise could keep us together and moving forward, but to limit its abuse and to keep it accountable to the people. The power was limited by the Bill of Rights and divided— executive, legislative, and judicial; national, State, and local—in a brilliant way.

And if you think about the fabric of our national life, there are only two places where power is arguably unaccountable: one, in the Supreme Court and its lower courts, where people have lifetime appointments, where they have a limited unaccountable power because there are some great questions on which someone must have the final say in order to permit us to go on with our lives; and the second, in the area of the press, because there is no practical way to limit the free expression of ideas and opinions, painful though those of us in authority might find them from time to time.

Mr. Jefferson understood so long ago these things that carry us through to the present day. But I must say tonight as we come here, Hillary and I, to pay tribute to you in this business, your business is more difficult, more challenging, more daunting than ever before. And the burden of carrying the responsibility that goes with that sort of unlimited freedom is greater than ever before. I appreciate it, and I'm glad, at least on occasion, we all have the chance to laugh together about our common efforts to advance the common good.

April 13, 1994

"I am certainly not an advocate for frequent and untried changes in laws and constitutions," Thomas Jefferson once wrote, "But ... laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind. As that becomes more developed, more enlightened, as new discoveries are made, new truths disclosed, and manners and opinions change ... institutions must advance also, and keep pace with the times."

These words have challenged and inspired the countless millions who have come to America's capital and have seen them inscribed on the marble wall of the Jefferson Memorial. Jefferson's statue presides nobly over America's capital city, a steadfast and enduring reminder of the democratic government that he helped to found. Yet unlike his unchanging visage, our democracy's institutions have proved to be remarkably agile in governing, maturing as society has progressed, evolving as human knowledge and technology have advanced—far beyond Jefferson's imagining. Of all the truths Jefferson knew to be self-evident, of all the freedoms he held dear, this understanding of the need for political and social innovation is perhaps his most lasting gift. He helped to endow us with the freedom to embrace change.

As we complete the year celebrating the 250th anniversary of his birth, it is entirely fitting that we again pause to reflect upon both the contradictions of Jefferson's life and the meaning of his legacy. Far from the sculpted perfection of his statue, Jefferson acknowledged, even anguished about, his failings as a leader. In expressing his fervent hope that we would one day purge the evil of slavery from our land, he wrote, "I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just, that his justice cannot sleep forever." Despite his flaws, Jefferson imbued us with his powerful faith that justice would ultimately transcend our seeming inability to do what we know is right. And I believe he would rejoice to know how far America has come toward winning equal justice under law.

In the United States, we must constantly relearn his teaching that change is both an inevitable and essential part of safeguarding our precious freedoms. We recognize, as he did in his day, that our democracy must continue to develop, that we must shape our politics and policies to meet the rapidly shifting needs of our people and to embrace the better angels of our nature. On this day, we remember that our Nation is an ongoing experiment, a new and fragile spirit, requiring our eternal care and vigilance if it is to continue to grow and prosper and shine.

Now, Therefore, I, William J. Clinton, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim Wednesday, April 13, 1994, as the 251st Anniversary of the Birth of Thomas Jefferson. I encourage all Americans to reflect upon his words and deeds and to rededicate themselves to making our Nation one of which he would be proud. Additionally, I call upon the people of the United States to observe this occasion with appropriate programs, ceremonies, and activities.

In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand this thirteenth day of April, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and ninety-four, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and eighteenth.

April 13, 1994 12:30pm

A couple of nights ago, we marked the end of the year honoring the 250th birthday of Thomas Jefferson. For you as journalists, of course, his commitment to freedom of expression was his greatest gift to us. I don't know how many journalists I've had quote Jefferson's famous line that if he had to choose a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, he would unhesitatingly choose the latter. My response is always, he said that before he became President. [Laughter]

But there's a line, or a lesson, that we often overlook. Jefferson was also a slaveholder, even though he wrote three or four times in various places attempts to limit slavery or do away with it. If you go to the Jefferson Memorial, you find that wonderful quote when he says, "I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just and his justice cannot sleep forever." He knew it was wrong, but he couldn't change it.

But Jefferson's great legacy, in some ways, was the advocacy of relentless change. He said that we'd have to change our whole way of doing things once every generation or so. He said the Earth belongs to the living. In other words, the great power of the idea that change and progress is possible if rooted in fixed principles is really the idea we need to bring to American life today.

April 29, 1994

In keeping with a tradition that goes back to the early days of our Republic, I want each of you, in leaving, to receive a miniature replica of the Jefferson Indian Peace Medal. On the front is a picture of our third President, Thomas Jefferson, author of the Declaration of Independence and one of the chief architects of our democracy. When you receive your medal, you will see on the back two hands clasped, one with a cuff showing three stripes and three buttons, the other wearing a bracelet engraved with an eagle. The hands join with the inscription "Peace and Friendship."

As we pray and as we leave, let us hope that this is the beginning of true peace, true friendship, and true progress.

December 1994

American Heritage:

Did you read a lot of biographies of him [Lincoln]?

President Bill Clinton:

Yes. And I also liked Jefferson a lot when I was a child, because another thing that Southerners were obsessed with was the poverty of the South at the end of the Second World War and the whole idea that the only way out of it individually and collectively was to dramatically increase the level of education. Since Jefferson had founded the University of Virginia and had basically advocated free public education, he had a big hold on my imagination from my childhood, and I read a lot of books about him. They were the two historic figures in American life who had the biggest influence on my childhood.

January 10, 1995

About a half a century earlier, the Democratic Party was born in the Presidency of Thomas Jefferson, who passionately believed in limited government. I was driving across the beautiful Illinois farmland today, feeling very much at home, thinking about how Jefferson loved being on his farm more than he liked being at the White House and how he wanted to limit government. But when he became President, he knew there were certain things that he had to use the power of the National Government to do because the times demanded it.

He bought the Louisiana Purchase, $15 million—peanuts, really, to us for all that land. I like it because it included Arkansas. So if he hadn't done it, I could never have been an American, much less President. [Laughter] But at the time it was a stunning, sweeping thing. The price of Louisiana was the entire budget of the National Government for a year. Can you imagine what you'd think of me if I wanted to spend that much on any piece of real estate? [Laughter] But he did.

February 19, 1995

Brian Lamb:

If you could talk to any past President—and I know you just got off the golf links with a couple of them—who would it be, and what would you want to talk to him about?

President Bill Clinton:

Well, it's difficult to say which one President I would talk to. For myself, personally, I would talk to Lincoln because I admired him so much, personally, and because I believe he grew so much in the job. His personal growth in the job was extraordinary, and his ability to distill all the forces at work into clear and powerful language was so great.

But there are others. Jefferson, I would like to speak with because he carried around in his very soul the ideals of the Founders. And he found himself in the same position to some extent I find myself in, in a very different historical context, in that he believed deeply in limited Government, he didn't want Government to oppress people, but he felt that there were occasions in which the national interest demanded a level of activism. In Jefferson's case, he purchased Louisiana, for example, which cost the equivalent of one year's Federal budget. So I think Jefferson understood the kind of complexity that we're facing today. He had a fertile, complex mind, and he understood how to reconcile the bedrock principles and apply them to the facts of the case at hand, and I like that.

March 17, 1995

The Irish first became a force in our politics in the 1790's when they supported Thomas Jefferson. To their eternal credit, many of their descendants have seen fit to back his Democratic descendants in the years since.

March 29, 1995

Let me close with this. In 2 weeks, on April 12th, we will honor the 50th anniversary of President Roosevelt's death in Warm Springs, Georgia, about 60 miles from here. On the day he died, Roosevelt was drafting a speech for Thomas Jefferson's birthday, a speech he obviously never got to deliver. The last words written in his own hands were these: "The only limit to our realization of tomorrow will be our doubts of today. Let us move forward with strong and active purpose."

July 6, 1995

You know, Oklahoma City took a lot of the meanness out of America. It gave us a chance for more sober reflection. It gave us a chance to come to the same conclusion that Thomas Jefferson did in his first Inaugural. I want to read this to you with only this bit of history. Thomas Jefferson was elected the first time by the House of Representatives in a bitterly contested election in the first outbreak of completely excessive partisanship in American history. In that sense, it was a time not unlike this time. And this is what he said: "Let us unite with our heart and mind. Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and life itself are but dreary things."

September 3, 1995

Let me ask you as we close what you believe people will say about World War II 100 or 200 or 300 years from today. I believe the lesson will be that people, when given a choice, will not choose to live under empire; that citizens, when given a choice, will not choose to live under dictators; that people, when given the opportunity to let the better angels of their natures rise to the top, will not embrace theories of political or racial or ethnic or religious superiority; that in the end, we know that Thomas Jefferson was right: God created us all equal, with the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and whatever differences there are among us, we have more in common.

November 13, 1995

Our Founding Fathers had this dream that people of different religious backgrounds and beliefs could build a strong nation together. They knew it was flawed. Thomas Jefferson knew it was flawed on slavery. But they set up a system where we could just keep working on it, year-in and year-out, decade-in a decadeout, as we work through the problems and became better and fashioned a life that was a purer and purer and purer example of the values which they enshrined.

January 12, 1996

On this day over 200 years ago, Virginia's General Assembly passed a law that created the first legal protection for religious freedom in this country. Introducing his bill to the Virginia Assembly, Thomas Jefferson stated that he was not creating a new right confined simply to the State of Virginia or to the United States, but rather declared religious liberty to be one of the "natural rights of mankind" that should be shared by all people. Jefferson's language was shepherded through the legislature by James Madison, who later used it as a model for the First Amendment to the United States Constitution.

February 1, 1996

As President tonight I am thinking of the experience of one of my most illustrious predecessors, Thomas Jefferson. As every American knows, when Thomas Jefferson was Minister to France, he developed a fondness for everything French. When he returned home, his political opponents tried to turn the American people against him by accusing him of excessive Francophilia. [Laughter] Patrick Henry struck the harshest blow. He denounced Jefferson, and I quote, for "abjuring his native victuals" in favor of French cuisine. [Laughter] Somehow Jefferson overcame the attack and went on to become President. And thank goodness, today Americans consider a good French meal to be a supreme treat, not high treason. [Laughter] Still, I feel compelled to make full disclosure to our French guests: Our extraordinary White House chef, Walter Scheib, is an American. [Laughter]

A decade before Thomas Jefferson went to France, France came to the aid of American people. Dozens of ships carrying cannon, rifles, mortars, and clothing crossed the Atlantic to supply those who were fighting here for our independence. At Yorktown, General George Washington's troops were one-half French. And together with the French fleet, they decided our great revolutionary struggle in freedom's favor there. So it is not an exaggeration to say that the American people owe our liberty to France.

February 8, 1996

It is fitting that we mark this moment here in the Library of Congress. It is Thomas Jefferson's building. Most of you know President Jefferson deeded his books to our young Nation after our first library was burned to the ground in the War of 1812. The volumes that line these walls grew out of Jefferson's legacy. He understood that democracy depends upon the free flow of information. He said, "He who receives an idea from me receives instruction himself without lessening mine. And he who lights his paper at mine receives light without darkening me."

Today, the information revolution is spreading light, the light Jefferson spoke about, all across our land and all across the world. It will allow every American child to bring the ideas stored in this reading room into his or her own living room or schoolroom.

August 30, 1996

But it is critical that people know that we're building that bridge to the 21st century, that we're going to meet our challenges, and we're going to protect our values. Our party was founded by Thomas Jefferson. I think it's important to note that Thomas Jefferson was succeeded by Madison and Monroe, that by the time John Quincy Adams got ready to be President, he was not part of the party of his father.

Everybody had to be part of Jefferson's party. They just had two different factions. Then we had Andrew Jackson who was a more populist part of the party that Thomas Jefferson had founded.

I'm making this point for this reason: if this party represents most of the people, embodies the values of this country, and is always willing to take on the new challenges, we can be the party that we were in our beginning. We can be the party that we were for Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman. We can be the party that we were for John Kennedy and President Johnson. We can be the party we started to be with President Carter, and circumstances intervened there. We can do that if we have that kind of discipline.

I was reading that magnificent book about the Lewis and Clark expedition and all the people in the other party who were against Thomas Jefferson buying the Louisiana Territory. And Thomas Jefferson said, "Well, I'm for limited Government but, my goodness, this is America, this is our future." So he spent the equivalent of one year of the Federal budget to buy Louisiana. Can you imagine what they'd do to me in Washington if I spent the equivalent of one year of the Federal budget on anything? A whole year of the Federal budget he spent to buy Louisiana. If he hadn't done it, I wouldn't be here today. [Laughter]

September 6, 1996

How wise was Thomas Jefferson to know that the great hypocrisy in our founding was slavery when he said, "I tremble—when I think of slavery, I tremble to think that God is just."

October 29, 1996

And in so many ways, everything that represents America sooner or later has to come to represent a better America, has to come to reflect our ongoing journey. And I was thinking tonight that Thomas Jefferson, whose statue looks directly into the second floor Oval Room, right above us here, would be smiling. You know, on the memorial they have that wonderful quote, when Jefferson said, "When I think of slavery, I tremble to think that God is just." He knew better. And it took us a long time to come to grips with all that.

February 11, 1997

If you think about what Ken Burns has given to America with "The Civil War," "The West," "Baseball," and "Thomas Jefferson," I think Mr. Jefferson would be very proud of you, Mr. Burns. And I know we all are, and we thank you so much.

I think every American President has been inspired by Jefferson's ideals, affected by his decisions, fascinated by his character. Two of my most prized personal possessions are an original printing of the "Notes on Virginia" and a printing of Daniel Webster's marvelous eulogy to John Adams and Thomas Jefferson delivered in Faneuil Hall in August of 1826. And from time to time when I feel some sense of despair, just for the heck of it, I take them down and open the pages and start reading.

I always thought that the fact that both of them died on the 50th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence was the best evidence the modern world has on the question of whether God is. It is impossible to believe this happened by accident.

And so, I ask all of you to leave here tonight with a sense of gratitude to Thomas Jefferson but also with the firm conviction that the thing he was most right about was in leaving us a system that would always be in the act of becoming, that his unshakable belief that the future could be better than the present extended even to himself and to his contemporaries, to their failures and to their successes. And that is what we must always believe. You make a better present if you think about the future being brighter and if you really believe in the potential of every single human spirit. Thomas Jefferson did, and so should we.

February 24, 1997

We have always expanded education. He began with Abraham Lincoln, and we might have begun with Thomas Jefferson, who advocated, even as he advocated buying Louisiana—for which I'm very grateful; otherwise I wouldn't be President—[laughter]— and America becoming a continental nation, that we should educate all of our children. Thomas Jefferson even advocated the education of every single child, boy or girl, of slave families in America. And we know from the beginning that it was the education of our leaders that gave them the vision to chart the course which has brought us to this day.

March 25, 1997

Greek ideology had a profound effect on our Founding Fathers, who molded the American form of government based upon the principles of Greek democracy. Thomas Jefferson studied the Greek classics in his youth and was inspired by their philosophy throughout his life, most dramatically when he crafted the Declaration of Independence. When formulating his vision for this country, Jefferson specifically referred to the integrated assertions, theories, and aims of the classic Greek world.

March 31, 1997

Thomas Jefferson once said, "In matters of style, swim with the current. In matters of principle, stand like a rock." Today we affirm our common commitment to stand like a rock for our working families and their right to a secure retirement they have saved for, paid for, and earned.

April 30, 1997

I ask you tonight to listen to these words as if you had never heard them before and try to imagine what it was like when they broke across the landscape of America and the world, arguably the most important words ever written by an American because out of them all the rest flowed:

"When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bonds which have connected them to another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.—We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.—That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed . . . . But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. . . . We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by the Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; . . . And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor."…

Those words were Thomas Jefferson's words, with edits by John Adams and Benjamin Franklin. I learned something tonight looking at the Thomas Jefferson draft: Ben Franklin gets credit for saying that these truths are self-evident. And that's a pretty good edit. [Laughter] Would that we all had such an editor.

As the Speaker said, now every American will be able to have access to these treasures, not only in this magnificent building with its glorious reading room and its American treasures exhibition but also through the Internet. Think of it, everything from the rough draft of the Declaration of Independence, from which I just read, to George Washington's letter on the importance of religious freedom, to the first known autobiography of a slave, to the first kiss captured in a movie, to Groucho Marx talking to Johnny Carson, to the magical music of Washington's Duke Ellington.

But it is fitting that the books from Mr. Jefferson's library are at the core of the American Treasures Collection, for he above all understood that democracy and liberty depend upon the free flow of ideas and the expansion of knowledge, upon the remembrance of history and the imagining of the future.

To pursue those objectives, our young Nation, at great cost, established this Library. From those first volumes, the Library of Congress has become the world's largest library, visited by 2 million people every year in person and millions more every week on the Internet Web site, with more to come as we work together to enable every school and library in the United States to connect to the Internet. In the most modern way, children in the most isolated rural districts, the poorest inner-city districts, the most comfortable suburbs, now will be able to share that rough draft of the Declaration of Independence and all the other wonderful resources of the Library.

Mr. Jefferson, who looked to the future more than the past, even at the end of his days, would surely be very proud, Mr. Billington, of what his library has become.

As we walk through these beautifully restored rooms and hallways on this 100th anniversary, you can almost feel the exuberance and optimism of the United States at the turn of the century. And now, at the dawn of a new century, we face yet a new age of possibilities, full of new challenge and hope. Yet in a sense, we are back where we were in the beginning. For of all our challenges, ignorance is the most threatening, and of all our riches, knowledge is the most enduring, except this will be even more true in the years ahead.

That is why the opening of this exhibit and the restoration of this building is so significant. By renewing the Founders' commitment to the Library of Congress, we ensure that future generations will continue to be inspired and guided by the ideals, the values, and the thirst for knowledge that are at our beginning core. We are giving all of our people, especially our children, what they will need to realize their dreams and our ever-unfolding destiny as a nation.

As these exhibits show, we are, and have ever been, a nation of creators and innovators. We are all Jefferson's heirs, and we are doomed sometimes to succeed and sometimes to fail. I was amused at the picture of the massive double circular kite that Alexander Graham Bell thought might compete with the Wright brothers. He would do very well on the Frisbee circuit today, I think, but it wasn't much of an airplane. But if he hadn't had the courage to try that, well, we might not have had the telephone. We must always maintain that spirit, and we must remember the words of Jefferson.

President Lincoln invoked the Jeffersonian ideal to heal a wounded nation as he stood at Gettysburg. President Roosevelt looked toward the world that would follow World War II, and he too called upon Jefferson for inspiration and courage. The words that he wrote then are as relevant today as they were in 1945, and I would like to close with them.

"We must do all in our power to conquer the doubts and the fear, the ignorance and the greed, for today science has brought all the different quarters of the globe so close together that it is impossible to isolate them one from another. Today we are faced with the preeminent fact that if civilization is to survive, we must cultivate the science of human relationships, the ability of all peoples of all kinds to live together and work together in the same world at peace. And to you and to all Americans who dedicate themselves with us to the making of an abiding peace, I say the only limit to our realization of tomorrow will be our doubts of today. Let us move forward with strong and active faith."

That was the speech Franklin Roosevelt was working on in this month, 52 years ago, when he died in Warm Springs. Though unspoken, his words, like those of Jefferson, come down to us today with a freshness, a vitality, and a fundamental truth that must forever guide us as a nation.

On Friday, we will gather to dedicate the memorial to President Roosevelt, the very first Presidential memorial since President Roosevelt dedicated the one to Thomas Jefferson in 1943. Together we will renew our commitment to fight tyranny with liberty, ignorance with knowledge, fear with hope and confidence.

Thomas Jefferson and Franklin Roosevelt, I believe, would be quite proud of America today—still eager to right its wrongs and seize its new opportunities. And I might say, I think they'd be a little impatient with those among us who, finding America at the pinnacle of its power, influence, and success, and therefore at the pinnacle of the responsibility outlined by President Roosevelt so long ago, would seek to walk away from what are our plain obligations to engage the rest of the world. For in the course of human events, it has fallen to us, for our own benefit and because it is right, to extend to a waiting world the ideals to which Thomas Jefferson and his friends pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor.

August 14, 1997

Thomas Jefferson wrote, "We have solved the great and interesting question whether freedom of religion is compatible with order in Government and obedience to the laws. And we have experienced the quiet, as well as the comfort which results from leaving everyone to profess freely and openly those principles of religion which are the inductions of his own reason and the serious convictions of his own inquiries." The Founders understood that religious freedom is a two-sided coin, and therefore our Constitution protects the free exercise of religion while at the same time prohibiting the establishment of religion by the state. This careful balance is the genius, the enduring genius of the first amendment.

March 10, 1998

So why are you here, and why are you a Democrat? And does it really have anything to do with Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson? And if George Washington were alive today, what would he be? The Federalists are long gone; the Whigs are long gone. You know, we had virtually a one-party system—Thomas Jefferson was such a good politician that after he became President, in order for John Quincy Adams to get elected President, after following Madison and Monroe, Quincy Adams virtually had to become a member of Jefferson's party even though Jefferson had beat his daddy for reelection—just to get elected.

June 17, 1998

Let me say, tonight I listened carefully to what everyone else said. I couldn't remember— I couldn't believe that Professor Scully remembered the story I told him about the Jefferson Monument. I don't believe anyone pointed out that while James Hoban as a relatively unknown young Irish architect actually built this White House, he did it by defeating an anonymous plan presented by Thomas Jefferson. [Laughter] But it is just as well, because Mr. Jefferson was the architect of something even more important than the White House. He built the American creed.

June 23, 1998

Today we mark another milestone in this kind of bipartisan cooperation. We've come a long way from the days when Thomas Jefferson thought every American should be a farmer; even the farmers are glad that's not true. But what he said then is still true in many ways, and I quote, "The cultivators of the earth are the most valuable citizens, the most vigorous, the most independent, the most virtuous; they are tied to their country and wedded to its liberty and interest by the most lasting bonds."

Today we strengthen those bonds. And we strengthen those bonds to those whose hold on the American dream is still fragile. In so doing, we do our part to do what Mr. Jefferson wanted us to do, to always be about the business of forming a more perfect Union.

June 29, 1998

In the last letter of his life, the author of our Declaration of Independence and our third President, Thomas Jefferson, said then that "all eyes are opening to the rights of man." I believe that in this time, at long last, 172 years after Jefferson wrote those words, all eyes are opening to the rights of men and women everywhere.

July 10, 1998

Since its founding, the Marine Band's history has been in large measure the history of America. The band played at Thomas Jefferson's Inauguration in 1801 and hasn't missed a single one since. Jefferson was a violin player who loved music almost as much as he loved freedom. He named the band "The President's Own," and it has stuck ever since.

April 9, 1999

Inspired by the powerful words of Thomas Jefferson, the courageous military tactics of Jose de San Martin, and the revolutionary spirit of Simon Bolivar and many other leaders, the peoples of the Americas forged their nations with a profound respect for liberty and justice.

April 29, 1999

Now, the Founding Fathers understood that this would be a big debate; we'd always be having this debate. Thomas Jefferson once said, "Were we directed from Washington when to sow and when to reap, we should soon want for bread." I may have liked that even more when I was Governor, but it still sounds pretty good to me. [Laughter]

June 21, 1999

Today we added a new chapter to the long story of our friendship. As you heard from the President, it is a friendship that goes back even before the history of the United States, when President Thomas Jefferson, the author of our Declaration of Independence, was looking for examples of democracy around the world, places where the people ruled.

The President gave you a—what I would call a delicate version of the example provided by the Corinthians to Thomas Jefferson. You see, Thomas Jefferson loved the fact that before assuming their titles, the old dukes of Corinthia were ceremoniously slapped by a local present to symbolize the right of the people to rebuff their leaders. Thomas Jefferson liked that. So did all future generations of Americans. [Laughter] Except they wait until after you're in office to do it. [Laughter]

July 1, 1999

What we do with these hallowed pieces of parchment, all Americans can do with the important historical treasures that exist all around them, in their attics, their parks, their townhalls. Saving America's treasures is not about living in the past. It is about conveying to future generations the American story in all its texture and richness and detail, about fulfilling our duty to be good ancestors, about catching the spirit Thomas Jefferson had in his later years, when he became devoted to preserving desks and chairs and other ordinary things from his extraordinary times. "These small things," he wrote, "may perhaps, like the relics of Saints, help to nourish our devotion to this holy bond of Union and keep it longer alive and warm in our affections."…

And at the time they were written, believe it or not, many Americans—though, thank goodness not a majority—actually did not agree with them. Yet, the framers refused to let serious differences of opinion become excuses to put off action. They overcame their differences and completed their tasks and stayed true to an idea that Jefferson would later express in his first Inaugural, that every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle.

February 27, 2000

Two hundred years ago exactly this year, Thomas Jefferson became the first Governor to be elected President. One of the central principles he carried with him, from the writing of the Declaration of Independence to the statehouse to the White House, is that the role of Government can never be fixed in time or place; it must remain fluid while anchored to firm principles. Jefferson said, "Laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind. As new discoveries are made, new truths disclosed, institutions must advance also and keep pace with the times."

Well, today, 200 years later, in the tradition of Thomas Jefferson, our Nation's Governors are keeping pace with the times. This year your theme is "Strengthening American States in the Global Economy." It is truly a new economy. It has changed not only the way people make a living but the way we live and relate to each other and to people all around the world.

April 21, 2000

The Library of Congress is truly America's library. Established on April 24, 1800, as the Congress prepared to transfer the Federal Government from Philadelphia to Washington, D.C., it is our country's oldest Federal cultural institution. With Thomas Jefferson's private library--acquired in 1815--as its core, the Library of Congress has reflected from its earliest days the breadth and variety of Jefferson's interests and his love of democracy, expanding the store of human knowledge, and helping ensure the free flow of ideas.

June 24, 2000

In the early years of our Republic, Thomas Jefferson said, "America's institutions must move forward hand in hand with the progress of the human mind." Well, today, the progress of the human mind is certainly racing forward at breakneck speed. If we work together, we can ensure that our democratic institutions keep pace. With your help, we can build a more perfect, more responsive democracy for the information age.

September 24, 2000

So the first thing I want to say is, I've spent a lot of time in my life studying the history of my country. I love it very much. If you come to my office in the White House, you'll see a lot of—you'll see an original edition of the only book Thomas Jefferson ever wrote and two original printings of George Washington's Farewell Address. I've studied this country closely.

October 2, 2000

It's appropriate that we're meeting here at this beautiful place. The Sewell-Belmont House, I believe, is the oldest house in Washington, DC, outside Georgetown. And someone told me tonight that I might be the first President to come here since Thomas Jefferson. When you go back through, just imagine that Thomas Jefferson was here. This does have one of the largest collections of suffragist memorabilia in the United States, and it was one of the first places designated as one of America's treasures by my wife and her millennium commission when they were going around the country trying to identify the places that were profoundly important to our past.

I say all that because I think it is obvious to anybody who even goes to the Jefferson Memorial and reads what Mr. Jefferson had to say about slavery, that when he wrote the Declaration of Independence and the Founders wrote the Constitution, they knew good and well that they were setting out perfect ideals that we were nowhere near realizing. After all, when we got started, only white male property owners could vote. And it took us a long time—and we still haven't completely integrated our ideals with the reality of life in America.

November 17, 2000

Two centuries ago, during the early days of the United States, we reached across the seas for partners in trade, and one of the first nations we encountered was Vietnam. In fact, one of our Founding Fathers, Thomas Jefferson, tried to obtain rice seed from Vietnam to grow on his farm in Virginia 200 years ago. By the time World War II arrived, the United States had become a significant consumer of exports from Vietnam. In 1945, at the moment of your country's birth, the words of Thomas Jefferson were chosen to be echoed in your own Declaration of Independence: "All men are created equal. The Creator has given us certain inviolable rights—the right to life, the right to be free, the right to achieve happiness."

President George W. Bush

January 20, 2001

Nearly 200 years ago, on March 4, 1801, our young Nation celebrated an important milestone in its history, the first transfer of power between political parties, as Thomas Jefferson took the oath of office as President. On this bicentennial of that event, we pause to remember and give thanks to Almighty God for our unbroken heritage of democracy, the peaceful transition of power, and the perseverance of our Government through the challenges of war and peace, want and prosperity, discord and harmony.

President Jefferson also wrote, "The God who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time" and asked, "Can the liberties of a nation be secure when we have removed a conviction that these liberties are of God?" Indeed, it is appropriate to mark this occasion by remembering the words of President Jefferson and the examples of Americans of the past and today who in times of both joy and need turn to Almighty God in prayer.

January 20, 2001 12:05pm

After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson, "We know the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?"

Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate, but the themes of this day, he would know: our Nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.

April 12, 2001

Our Nation's Founding Fathers overcame enormous obstacles to establish a system of government unequaled in history. We are the beneficiaries of their sacrifice, courage, and honor. But among these legendary patriots, Thomas Jefferson remains unique as the one who articulated the essential values and principles of American liberty and freedom. Today, we gather here to celebrate the birthday of Thomas Jefferson and to reflect on his enduring contributions to the United States and the world.

Few Americans have shaped our collective destiny as thoroughly and as originally as Thomas Jefferson. His achievements are breathtaking in their scope and diversity. Beyond his achievements in public life as Governor of Virginia, author of the Statute of Virginia for Religious Freedom, Secretary of State, third President of the United States, and founder of the University of Virginia, Jefferson was a scholar, author, naturalist, inventor, bibliophile, and architect.

As President, Jefferson supported the Lewis and Clark expedition and concluded the $15 million purchase of the Louisiana Territory from France. He sold his personal library to the Library of Congress to replace its collection destroyed by the British in the War of 1812.

Thomas Jefferson's crowning achievement, however, was the Declaration of Independence. As its primary author, Jefferson drafted an immortal document that altered the way the world viewed the relationship between government and the governed. Jefferson's assertion of "inalienable rights" including "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" established the democratic standard by which our Nation would measure itself. Many other nations and peoples likewise strive to measure up to the standard set forth in the Declaration of Independence.

Thomas Jefferson's words are as thrilling and inspiring in 2001 as they must have been to his revolutionary allies in 1776. Our Nation has changed, our technology has progressed, but our basic love for liberty and freedom remains the same. As proud Americans, we must work together to maintain the vigor and strength of Jefferson's vision and to fulfill its promise of a better life for all our citizens. Doing this is our responsibility, and our gift, to the man who laid the foundation for what became the freest nation in the world.

Now, Therefore, I, George W. Bush, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and laws of the United States of America, do hereby proclaim April 13, 2001, as Thomas Jefferson Day. I encourage all Americans to join in this celebration of Thomas Jefferson's achievements, and to learn more about his unique influence on our history, traditions, and values.

In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand this twelfth day of April, in the year of our Lord two thousand one, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and twenty-fifth.

April 12, 2001 2:30pm

Good afternoon. Welcome. Welcome back, Thomas. [Laughter] Senator Warner and Senator Allen, it's good to see both. Congressman Goode, welcome. The first lady of the Commonwealth of Virginia, it's good to see you again. And I want to thank all the descendants of Thomas Jefferson who are here. I want to thank the Jefferson scholars who are here. I want to thank my fellow Americans who are here. Welcome to the White House.

As the White House's latest tenant, it is my pleasure to say, welcome back, Thomas Jefferson. Most people don't realize this, but Thomas Jefferson and I share a hobby: we both like to make up words. [Laughter] According to the Oxford English Dictionary, Mr. Jefferson contributed more new words to the language than any other U.S. President. I especially like his term for barbaric pirates, "barbaresques." [Laughter] I'm also impressed by his words "debarrass" and "graffage."

The other day I tried a new word for our press corps, "misunderestimate." [Laughter] It's not quite in Jefferson's league, but I am giving it my best shot. [Laughter]

As you know, I've been trying to reduce taxes. Thomas Jefferson and I agree here, as well. He warned that government must expend the public money with the same care and economy we would practice with our own and impose on our own citizens no unnecessary burdens. That's something for all of us to think about, especially Members of the House and the Senate. [Laughter]

Jefferson can be quoted by the hour. He lived a long time ago, yet he still speaks directly to the present. Few former Presidents survive more vividly in our memories. And we feel his presence especially strongly in this place.

This is the room where Jefferson's Secretary, as Mr. Jefferson accurately pointed out, Meriwether Lewis, had his office in his bedroom, right here in this room. And it was here he embarked on his great expedition to the Pacific.

In this house, Jefferson famously wore his carpet slippers to receive the British King's Ambassador. In the Green Room, he delighted his guests with his insights into science and philosophy and law—any subject, except what Jefferson called the hated occupation of politics.

Jefferson holds the American imagination because he articulated the American creed. We declared our independence with his words that all men are created equal and that they are endowed by their creator with unalienable rights. Jefferson is the poet laureate of American freedom.

Our world echoes with Jefferson's ideals, even though Jefferson did not always act as if they were true. The same Thomas Jefferson who wrote the original ordinance banning slavery in the Northwest Territories lived on the labor of slaves. The same Jefferson who denied racial equality spoke ringing words of equal rights. He doubted the existence of the Christian God, but he trembled for his country when he remembered that the God he doubted was just.

No wonder America sees itself in Thomas Jefferson. He was what we are: marked with faults, inspired by strong ideals.

Thomas Jefferson still inspires us. He believed that education was the key to human potential. We must be committed to educating every single child in America. His Louisiana Purchase threw open the opportunities of this vast country, and we must dedicate ourselves to extending opportunity wider and wider. Above all, Jefferson believed in liberty, in the ability of citizens to govern their own country and govern their own lives. We must always affirm this democratic faith.

Like many great men, Thomas Jefferson leaves behind a complex legacy. Tomorrow would have been his 258th birthday. On his 358th birthday, Americans will still be debating his achievements and his faults, his words and his deeds.

Perhaps the best verdict came from one of Jefferson's keenest admirers and sharpest critics, the first Republican President, Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln was invited in 1859 to come to Boston to speak at a Jefferson birthday event in that city. He was unable to attend, and so he put his thoughts in a letter.

At that time, Jefferson was a contentious name in American politics. His memory had been hijacked by slaveholders who distorted many of his deeds and most of his words. But Lincoln saw further and deeper. When the view beyond the south window was swamp and the stump of the Washington Monument, when there were no cherry blossoms, no Jefferson Memorial, no Monticello on the nickel, and no Jefferson Building for the Library of Congress, Lincoln could still see the enduring meaning of Thomas Jefferson in American and world history. Here is what he wrote:

All honor to Jefferson, to the man who in the concrete pressure of a struggle for national independence by a single people had the coolness, forecast, and capacity to introduce into a merely revolutionary document an abstract truth, applicable to all men and at all times. And so, to embalm it there, that today and in all coming days it shall be a rebuke and a stumbling block to the very harbingers of a reappearing tyranny and oppression.

Happy birthday, Mr. Jefferson.

And now I am honored to sign a proclamation celebrating Thomas Jefferson's birth and his continuing influence on our great land.

July 2, 2001

Reporter:

What's the occasion, Mr. President?

President George W. Bush:

Just wanted to come over. We're looking right out our window every day at the Jefferson. It's a beautiful day— wanted to come over and begin the beginning of the Fourth of July celebration here at the Jefferson Memorial. It's a good opportunity to say hello to some of our fellow Americans.

Reporter:

What does the Fourth mean to you, Mr. President?

President George W. Bush:

Well, it's an unimaginable honor to be the President, during the Fourth of July, of this country. It means what these words say, for starters, the great inalienable rights of our country. We're blessed with such values in America. And I—it's—I'm a proud man to be the—the Nation based upon such wonderful values. I can't tell you what it was like to be in Europe, for example, to be talking about the greatness of America.

But the true greatness of America are the people. And it's another reason we're here, is to be able to say hello to some of our fellow Americans. And we're here to celebrate. It's good to see everybody.

July 4, 2001

This is a dynamic and modern city. Yet if the Founders themselves were here, they would know the place. Benjamin Franklin and his wife could still find their way from here to the corner where they first saw each other, at Market and 4th. John Adams could make his way to City Tavern and show us the spot where he first shook the hand of George Washington. Thomas Jefferson would still find waiting for him the room where he drafted the Declaration of Independence. And each of the Founders, coming here, would know the ring of the Liberty Bell. It rang to announce the first public reading of the Declaration of Independence 225 years ago.

Those new citizens of a nation just 4 days old heard inspiring words but not original thoughts. Our Founders considered themselves heirs to principles that were timeless and truths that were self-evident. When Jefferson sat down to write, he was trying, he said, to place before mankind "the common sense of the subject." The common sense of the subject was that we should be free. And though great evils would linger, the world would never be the same after July 4, 1776.

January 18, 2002

Thomas Jefferson wrote that, "(t)he care of human life and happiness and not their destruction is the first and only legitimate object of good government." President Jefferson was right. Life is an inalienable right, understood as given to each of us by our Creator.

President Jefferson's timeless principle obligates us to pursue a civil society that will democratically embrace its essential moral duties, including defending the elderly, strengthening the weak, protecting the defenseless, feeding the hungry, and caring for children - born and unborn. Mindful of these and other obligations, we should join together in pursuit of a more compassionate society, rejecting the notion that some lives are less worthy of protection than others, whether because of age or illness, social circumstance or economic condition. Consistent with the core principles about which Thomas Jefferson wrote, and to which the Founders subscribed, we should peacefully commit ourselves to seeking a society that values life - from its very beginnings to its natural end. Unborn children should be welcomed in life and protected in law.

July 3, 2002

You know, it's amazing—it's fitting and amazing, when you think about it, that we're holding this event here in the East Room, because this is where Lewis lived when he was Jefferson's private secretary. Not a bad room. [Laughter] They tell me, though, that back then the room was damp and depressing. The second First Lady who lived here, Abigail Adams, actually used to hang the washing here. [Laughter] And I want to thank Laura for getting my underwear out before the event started. [Laughter]

Nearly 200 years ago, President Jefferson sent an expedition to explore what was then the uncharted West. Jefferson was a curious man, as we've learned, and I bet you he wanted to lead the expedition himself. But he was occupied, and so he chose a trusted aide and friend, Meriwether Lewis, to lead what was called the Voyage of Discovery.

The Lewis and Clark expedition lasted just a couple of years, but it changed the face of our country forever. It opened up the American West for future development. It increased our knowledge of our natural resources. It helped us gain a better understanding of America's native cultures. Most importantly, the Lewis and Clark Expedition will stand forever as a monument to the American spirit, a spirit of optimism and courage and persistence in the face of adversity.

April 14, 2005

Just a couple of brief thoughts, and I'd be glad to answer some questions if you have any. [Laughter] Here's what Jefferson said. Jefferson said, "Our liberty depends on freedom of the press; that cannot be limited without being lost." He also went on to say, "I've given up newspapers, and I find myself much happier." [Laughter]

April 13, 2006

Today, we celebrate the birthday of Thomas Jefferson. Few individuals have shaped the course of human events as much as this proud son of Virginia. His achievements are extraordinary: Governor of Virginia, author of the Statute of Virginia for Religious Freedom, Secretary of State, third President of the United States, and founder of the University of Virginia. Thomas Jefferson was also a scholar, author, farmer, inventor, and architect. As President, Thomas Jefferson secured the purchase of the Louisiana Territory from France, which doubled the size of the United States and extended opportunity and prosperity to many more Americans.

Thomas Jefferson was an eloquent and powerful champion of liberty. He captured the American creed when he wrote in a private letter: "I have sworn upon the altar of God eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man." And in one of the most important public documents in history, Jefferson wrote these words: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." The Declaration of Independence has become a cornerstone for those who love freedom and justice.

More than eight decades later, Abraham Lincoln returned to the words and meaning of the Declaration of Independence. Lincoln knew that in the distant future people would look upon it and "take courage to renew the battle which their fathers began--so that truth, and justice, and mercy . . . might not be extinguished from the land." A century after Lincoln, Martin Luther King, Jr., called the Declaration of Independence a "promissory note to which every American was to fall heir."

The Declaration of Independence has become a standard by which other nations and peoples measure their progress in the effort to advance human freedom. Even nations that are not yet free pay homage to freedom, and it is seen as a universal human good.

Our Nation is vastly different than it was during the days of our founding--yet our commitment to America's founding truths remains strong and steady. Our duty is to continue to fulfill the promise of Thomas Jefferson's words and vision of a better life for all people. Meeting that responsibility is the best way we can honor the memory of the man who was an architect of the freest Nation on Earth.

Now, Therefore, I, George W. Bush, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and laws of the United States of America, do hereby proclaim April 13, 2006, as Thomas Jefferson Day. I encourage all Americans to join in celebrating Thomas Jefferson's achievements, reflecting on his words, and learning more about this extraordinary man's influence on American history and ideals.

In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand this thirteenth day of April, in the year of our Lord two thousand six, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirtieth.

August 31, 2006

In the early years of our Republic, Thomas Jefferson said that we cannot expect to move "from despotism to liberty in a featherbed." That's been true in every time and place. No one understands that like you, our veterans, understand that. With the distance of history, it can be easy to look back at the wars of the 20th century and see a straight path to victory. You know better than that. You waged the hard battles; you suffered the wounds; you lost friends and brothers. You were there for dark times and the moments of uncertainty, and you know that freedom is always worth the sacrifice.

April 11, 2007

On Thomas Jefferson Day, we commemorate the birthday of a monumental figure whose place in our Nation's history will always be cherished. Thomas Jefferson was a scholar, statesman, author, architect, and patriot, and today we celebrate his many accomplishments and lasting legacy.

Thomas Jefferson continues to capture our imagination because our country still echoes his ideals. In 1776, as a young lawyer from Virginia, he drafted the Declaration of Independence for the Continental Congress and articulated the American creed. From that document was born a Nation with a message of hope--that all men are created equal and meant to be free. The words Jefferson penned were a bold statement of revolutionary principles, and they have lifted the lives of millions in America and around the world.

As the third President of the United States, Jefferson worked to realize the vision he held for our young democracy. He signed legislation in 1802 that established the United States Military Academy at West Point, New York, and began the great tradition of service academies that have contributed immensely to the defense of our freedom. He believed in the possibility of westward expansion, doubling the size of our Nation with the Louisiana Purchase and encouraging the Lewis and Clark Expedition to help open the unknown West for future development.

Thomas Jefferson served his fellow citizens in many other important roles, including Governor of Virginia, Secretary of State, and Ambassador to France. Yet, of his many accomplishments, Thomas Jefferson will always be remembered for his belief in liberty and in the ability of citizens to govern their own country and their own lives. As we celebrate his birthday, we are proud that the Nation he helped establish remains free, independent, and true to the ideals of our founding. Today, the United States of America is the world's foremost champion of liberty, moving forward with confidence and strength, and an example to the world of what free people can achieve.

Now, Therefore, I, George W. Bush, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and laws of the United States of America, do hereby proclaim April 13, 2007, as Thomas Jefferson Day. I encourage all citizens to join in celebrating the achievements of this extraordinary American, reflecting on his words, and learning more about his influence on our history and ideals.

In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand this eleventh day of April, in the year of our Lord two thousand seven, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirty-first.

April 14, 2008

We're here tonight to commemorate the 265th birthday of Thomas Jefferson, here in a room where he once walked and in a home where he once lived. In this house, President Jefferson spread the word that liberty was the right of every individual. In this house, Jefferson sent Lewis and Clark off on the mission that helped make America a continental nation. And in this house, Jefferson was known to receive guests in his bathrobe and slippers. (Laughter.) Laura said no. (Laughter.) I don't have a bathrobe. (Laughter.)

With a single sentence, Thomas Jefferson changed the history of the world. After countless centuries when the powerful and the privileged governed as they pleased, Jefferson proclaimed as a self-evident truth that liberty was a right given to all people by an Almighty.

Here in America, that truth was not fully realized in Jefferson's own lifetime. As he observed the condition of slaves in America, Jefferson said, "I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just" and "that his justice cannot sleep forever." Less than 40 years after his death, justice was awakened in America and a new era of freedom dawned.

Today, on the banks of the Tidal Basin, a statue of Thomas Jefferson stands in a rotunda that is a memorial to both the man and the ideas that built this nation. There, on any day of the week, you will find men and women of all creeds, colors, races and religions. You will find scholars, schoolchildren and visitors from every part of our country. And you will find each of them looking upward in quiet reflection on the liturgy of freedom -- the words of Thomas Jefferson inscribed on the memorial's walls.

The power of Jefferson's words do not stop at water's edge. They beckon the friends of liberty on even the most distant shores. They're a source of inspiration for people in young democracies like Afghanistan and Lebanon and Iraq. And they are a source of hope for people in nations like Belarus and Burma, Cuba, Venezuela, Iran, Syria, North Korea and Zimbabwe, where the struggle for freedom continues.

Thomas Jefferson left us on July 4, 1826 -- fifty years to the day after our Declaration of Independence was adopted. In one of the great harmonies of history, his friend and rival John Adams died on the very same day. Adams' last words were, "Thomas Jefferson survives." And he still does today. And he will live on forever, because the desire to live in freedom is the eternal hope of mankind.

July 4, 2008

And this is a fitting place to celebrate our Nation's independence. Thomas Jefferson once said he'd rather celebrate the Fourth of July than his own birthday. For me, it's pretty simple, the Fourth of July weekend is my birthday weekend…

You know, long before anyone had ever heard of Crawford, Texas, Charlottesville, Virginia, was the home to the first western White House. The majesty of this home is a monument to the genius of Thomas Jefferson. Every hundreds of years—every year, thousands of visitors come here. And I think today it's fitting to thank the men and women of the Thomas Jefferson Foundation for preserving this historic treasure.

You just can't help but marvel at Thomas Jefferson's many accomplishments. As a scholar, few were better read. He was known to have read five books at a time on a revolving book stand. Later in life, he founded a public university that has become one of the Nation's finest, the University of Virginia.

As a statesman, Thomas Jefferson held all three top posts in the executive branch. He served as the first Secretary of State, the second Vice President, and the third President. Not bad for a man who hated public speaking. [Laughter] It seems Jefferson got away with only delivering two public speeches during his Presidency. I'm sure a lot of Americans wish that were the case today. [Laughter]

In a life full of accomplishments, Thomas Jefferson was especially proud of the Declaration of Independence. Looking back 232 years later, it's easy to forget how revolutionary Jefferson's draft was.

At the time, some dismissed it as empty rhetoric. They believed the British Empire would crush the Thirteen Colonies in the field of battle. And they believed a nation dedicated to liberty could never survive the world ruled by kings.

Today, we know history had other plans. After many years of war, the United States won its independence. The principles that Thomas Jefferson enshrined in the Declaration became the guiding principles of the new nation. And in every generation, Americans have rededicated themselves to the belief that all men are created equal, with a God-given right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

Thomas Jefferson understood that these rights do not belong to Americans alone; they belong to all mankind. And he looked to the day when all people could secure them. On the 50th anniversary of America's independence, Thomas Jefferson passed away. But before leaving this world, he explained that the principles of the Declaration of Independence were universal. In one of the final letters of his life, he wrote, "May it be to the world, what I believe it will be—to some parts sooner, to others later, but finally to all—the signal of arousing men to burst the chains and to assume the blessings and security of self-government."

We honor Jefferson's legacy by aiding the rise of liberty in lands that do not know the blessings of freedom. And on this Fourth of July, we pay tribute to the brave men and women who wear the uniform of the United States of America.

We also honor Jefferson's legacy by welcoming newcomers to our land. And that is what we're here to celebrate today.

January 15, 2009

President Thomas Jefferson once wrote, "I like the dreams of the future better than the history of the past." As I leave the house he occupied two centuries ago, I share that optimism. America is a young country, full of vitality, constantly growing and renewing itself. And even in the toughest times, we lift our eyes to the broad horizon ahead.

President Barack Obama

July 5, 2007

From the earliest days of our founding, we have believed in Thomas Jefferson's declaration that "...talent and virtue, needed in a free society, should be educated regardless of wealth, birth or other accidental condition."

It is this belief that led our country to set up the first free public schools in small New England towns. It's a promise we kept as we moved from a nation of farms to factories and created a system of public high schools so that everyone had the chance to succeed in the new economy; one we expanded after World War II, when we sent over two million returning heroes to college on the GI Bill.

May 1, 2009

Today I lend my voice of support and admiration to all those brave men and women of the press who labor to expose truth and enhance accountability around the world. In so doing, I recall the words of Thomas Jefferson: "The basis of our governments being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter."

February 6, 2010

I know we've gone through a tough year, but we've gone through tougher years. We're the party of Thomas Jefferson, who declared that all men are created equal. And we had to work long and hard to ensure that those words meant something.

May 9, 2010

What's at stake is more than our ability to outcompete other nations. It's our ability to make democracy work in our own nation. Years after he left office, decades after he penned the Declaration, Thomas Jefferson sat down, a few hours' drive from here, in Monticello, to write a letter to a longtime legislator, urging him to do more on education. Jefferson gave one principal reason — the one, perhaps, he found most compelling. "If a nation expects to be ignorant and free," he wrote, "it expects what never was and never will be."

What Jefferson recognized, like the rest of that gifted generation, was that in the long run, their improbable experiment — America — wouldn't work if its citizens were uninformed, if its citizens were apathetic, if its citizens checked out, and left democracy to those who didn't have their best interests at heart. It could only work if each of us stayed informed and engaged; if we held our government accountable; if we fulfilled the obligations of citizenship.

August 9, 2010

At each and every juncture throughout our history, we've recognized that essential truth — that the way to move forward, in our own lives, and as a nation, is to put education first. It's what led Thomas Jefferson to leave as his legacy not only a Declaration of Independence, but a university in Virginia.

August 13, 2010

These events are also an affirmation of who we are as Americans. Our Founders understood that the best way to honor the place of faith in the lives of our people was to protect their freedom to practice religion. In the Virginia Act for Establishing Religion Freedom, Thomas Jefferson wrote that "all men shall be free to profess, and by argument to maintain, their opinions in matters of religion." The First Amendment of our Constitution established the freedom of religion as the law of the land. And that right has been upheld ever since…

We are reminded that Ramadan is a celebration of a faith known for great diversity. And Ramadan is a reminder that Islam has always been part of America. The first Muslim ambassador to the United States, from Tunisia, was hosted by President Jefferson, who arranged a sunset dinner for his guest because it was Ramadan—making it the first known iftar at the White House, more than 200 years ago.

April 29, 2011

We have carried this dream forward through times when our politics seemed broken. This is not the first time where it looked like politicians were going crazy. [Laughter] In heated debates over our founding, some warned independence would doom America to "a scene of bloody discord and desolation for ages." That was the warning about independence. One of our greatest Presidents, Thomas Jefferson, was labeled an "infidel" and a "howling atheist" with "fangs." Think about that. Even I haven't gotten that one yet. [Laughter] Lincoln, FDR, they were both vilified in their own times as tyrants, power hungry, bent on destroying democracy.

June 2, 2011

And that's what architecture is all about. It's about creating buildings and spaces that inspire us, that help us do our jobs, that bring us together, and that become, at their best, works of art that we can move through and live in. And in the end, that's why architecture can be considered the most democratic of art forms.

That's perhaps why Thomas Jefferson, who helped enshrine the founding principles of our Nation, had such a passion for architecture and design. He spent more than 50 years perfecting his home at Monticello. And he spent countless hours sketching and revising his architectural drawings for the University of Virginia, a place where he hoped generations would study and become, as he described it, "the future bulwark of the human mind in this hemisphere."

July 25, 2011

America, after all, has always been a grand experiment in compromise. As a democracy made up of every race and religion, where every belief and point of view is welcomed, we have put to the test time and again the proposition at the heart of our founding: that out of many, we are one. We've engaged in fierce and passionate debates about the issues of the day, but from slavery to war, from civil liberties to questions of economic justice, we have tried to live by the words that Jefferson once wrote: "Every man cannot have his way in all things. . . . Without this mutual disposition, we are disjointed individuals, but not a society."

History is scattered with the stories of those who held fast to rigid ideologies and refused to listen to those who disagreed. But those are not the Americans we remember. We remember the Americans who put country above self and set personal grievances aside for the greater good. We remember the Americans who held this country together during its most difficult hours, who put aside pride and party to form a more perfect Union.

August 17, 2011

Anthony Mason:

Can I just ask you very quickly? Left and right, the terrible things people say about you in print, on television --

President Barack Obama:

Right.

Anthony Mason:

Does it drive you crazy?

President Barack Obama:

You know, I think you've gotta have a pretty thick skin to be a president of the United States. And you know, outta necessity, I read a lotta history these days, and you know, when you see what they said about Jefferson, what they said about Lincoln, what they said about some pretty good presidents, it makes you feel a little bit better.

March 21, 2013

In a letter to his nephew, Thomas Jefferson once wrote, "an honest heart being the first blessing, a knowing head is the second." It is a notion that rings as true today as it did in 1785: that just as we owe our children a strong start in the classroom, so must we pass on the common values that help define us as a people.

July 25, 2013

At the conclusion of the meeting, President Sang shared with me a copy of a letter sent by Ho Chi Minh to Harry Truman. And we discussed the fact that Ho Chi Minh was actually inspired by the U.S. Declaration of Independence and Constitution and the words of Thomas Jefferson. Ho Chi Minh talks about his interest in cooperation with the United States. And President Sang indicated that, even if it's 67 years later, it's good that we're still making progress.

December 13, 2013

Thomas Jefferson once wrote, "I am not an advocate for frequent changes in laws and constitutions, but laws and constitutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind." Our liberties opened heated debate over the questions of citizenship and human rights, driving progress in the American mind. We learned that our Nation, built on the principles of freedom and equality, could not survive half-slave and half-free. We resolved that our daughters must have the same rights, the same chances, and the same freedom to pursue their dreams as our sons, and that if we are truly created equal, then the love we commit to one another must be equal as well. Americans with disabilities tore down legal and social barriers; disenfranchised farmworkers united to claim their rights to dignity, fairness, and a living wage; civil rights activists marched, bled, and gave their lives to bring the era of segregation to an end. As we celebrate the anniversary of the Bill of Rights, let us reach for a day when we all may enjoy the basic truths of liberty and equality.

February 10, 2014

As one of our Founding Fathers, the person who drafted our Declaration of Independence, somebody who not only was an extraordinary political leader but also one of our great scientific and cultural leaders, Thomas Jefferson represents what’s best in America.

February 22, 2015

So let me propose a toast: To our citizens, to our spouses, to our families, and to what Thomas Jefferson once described as our country's precious blessings, "its soil, its climate, its equality, liberty, laws, people, and manners . . . which no other people on Earth enjoy."

April 13, 2016

John Holdren helpfully reminded me that today happens to be the 273d birthday of Thomas Jefferson. [Laughter] And Thomas Jefferson was obviously a pretty good writer; the Declaration of Independence turned out pretty well. [Laughter] He was a great political thinker and a great President. But he was also a scientist. And that was true of most of our Founders. They were children of the Enlightenment. They had come of age when all the old dogmas were being challenged. And they had this incredible faith, this belief in the human mind and our ability to figure stuff out.

And whether it was Benjamin Franklin or Thomas Jefferson or all the others who were involved in the founding of our country, one of the essential elements that is embedded in our Constitution and the design of this democracy is this belief that the power of the human brain when applied to the world around us can do amazing, remarkable things.

May 24, 2016

So today we also remember the longer history between Vietnamese and Americans that is too often overlooked. More than 200 years ago, when our Founding Fathers, Thomas Jefferson, sought rice for his farm, he looked to the rice of Vietnam, which he said had "the reputation of being whitest to the eye, best flavored to the taste, and most productive." And soon after, American trade ships arrived in your ports seeking commerce…

In a sense, the long story between our two nations that began with Thomas Jefferson more than two centuries ago has now come full circle. It's taken many years and required great effort. But now we can say something that was once unimaginable: Today, Vietnam and the United States are partners.

President Joe Biden

July 22, 2009

Near the end of his life, one of the authors of America's freedom, Thomas Jefferson, who is credited with writing the Declaration of Independence, wrote a letter to his old friend and political foe, John Adams -- Adams had been the second President of the United States and Jefferson the third -- and they were great friends but political competitors. And he wrote a letter to Adams -- there was a long correspondence for decades. He wrote a letter to Adams about 35 years after our revolution. And in the letter, he said, "The generation which commences a revolution rarely completes it. The generation which commences a revolution rarely completes it."

In any true democracy, freedom is the beginning, not the end. Freedom is merely the beginning, not the end.

March 10, 2011

Thomas Jefferson said that if he only had a choice of a free press or what we had. He said he'd choose a free press. It's the greatest guarantee of freedom there is, the so-called Third Estate. And believe me to the American press up there, they drive me crazy. (Laughter.) It's not like they say nice things about me all the time. But I really mean it: It is the single best guarantee of political freedom.

January 16, 2021

Two hundred and thirty-five years ago, the Virginia General Assembly passed Thomas Jefferson's landmark Statute for Religious Freedom, laying a foundation of liberty to be enshrined in our Constitution and passed down through the generations. Today, Religious Freedom Day, is a symbol of that commitment — and a reminder that the work of protecting religious freedom, for people of all faiths and none, is never finished.

April 26, 2024

Howard Stern:

Who do you think was the greatest president of all time? I have an answer for this, but I want to hear yours.

President Joe Biden:

Well, I think Jefferson was one of my favorite presidents of all time. But also there were people who came along in periods. I think the fact that Roosevelt came when he did and the way he did and the way he stood up.

President Donald Trump

February 2, 2017

It was the great Thomas Jefferson who said, "The God who gave us life, gave us liberty." Jefferson asked, "Can the liberties of a nation be secure when we have removed a conviction that these liberties are the gift of God?" Among those freedoms is the right to worship according to our own beliefs. That is why I will get rid of, and totally destroy, the Johnson Amendment and allow our representatives of faith to speak freely and without fear of retribution. I will do that. Remember.

April 26, 2017

Thomas Jefferson put it best when he said, "I believe the States can best govern our home concerns." With this Executive order and the many actions we have taken in less than 100 days, we are providing our States and communities with control over the matters that are most important to them. Together, we are going to fight to give our children the bright and beautiful future they deserve.

May 4, 2017

The religious liberty guaranteed by the Constitution is not a favor from the government, but a natural right bestowed by God. Our Constitution and our laws that protect religious freedom merely recognize the right that all people have by virtue of their humanity. As Thomas Jefferson wisely questioned: "can the liberties of a nation be thought secure when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are the gift of God?"

August 15, 2017

President Donald Trump:

Excuse me, are we going to take down statues to George Washington?

Reporter:

Symbols of the Confederacy are very important to them.

President Donald Trump:

How about Thomas Jefferson? What do you think of Thomas Jefferson? You like him?

Reporter:

I do love Thomas Jefferson, of course.

President Donald Trump:

Okay, good. Are we going to take down the statue?

October 2, 2018

In a house not far from where we are today, Thomas Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence and forever changed the course of human history. Today, we reaffirm our Nation's founding truth: In America, the people govern. The men and women who go to work each day are not only powering our economy, they are powering our Nation, and they are powering our freedom.

December 18, 2019

We believe in the dignity of work and the sanctity of life. We believe that faith and family, not government bureaucracy are the true American way. We believe that children should be taught to love our country, honor our history, and to always respect our great American flag. [applause] And we live by the words of our national motto and it's always going to be up there. You know, they want to take everything down. They don't want Thomas Jefferson anymore. They don't want anything. That's a terrible thing and we fight for it, now. We fight.

June 20, 2020

They were heading over to the Jefferson Memorial recently and they wanted to do damage to our great, beautiful Jefferson Memorial. Not gonna happen. Don't worry about it. We have it surrounded with very strong people. The choice in 2020 is very simple. Do you wanna bow before the left-wing mob, or do you wanna stand up tall and proud as Americans? True. [cheers and applause]

July 4, 2020

Thomas Jefferson — the great Thomas Jefferson — was 33 years old when he traveled north to Pennsylvania and brilliantly authored one of the greatest treasures of human history, the Declaration of Independence. He also drafted Virginia’s constitution, and conceived and wrote the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom, a model for our cherished First Amendment.

After serving as the first Secretary of State, and then Vice President, he was elected to the Presidency. He ordered American warriors to crush the Barbary pirates, he doubled the size of our nation with the Louisiana Purchase, and he sent the famous explorers Lewis and Clark into the west on a daring expedition to the Pacific Ocean.

He was an architect, an inventor, a diplomat, a scholar, the founder of one of the world’s great universities, and an ardent defender of liberty. Americans will forever admire the author of American freedom, Thomas Jefferson. (Applause.) And he, too, will never, ever be abandoned by us. (Applause.)

July 16, 2020

We just passed a statues and monument Executive order. And they were going wild. They—see that beautiful—look at it right there. It's so beautiful—the Washington Monument. If they had the choice, they'd take it down. And I guarantee you they'd rename it. They want to rename it. They want George Washington out. They want Thomas Jefferson out. They want Abraham Lincoln out. They want abolitionists out.

They don't know what they want. They just want to destroy our country. We're not going to let it happen. We're not letting it happen.

August 26, 2024

They wanted to take down the Thomas Jefferson, the Jefferson Memorial. They wanted to take it down. They were heading that way. They were actually heading that way. We had them all stopped, but they were heading that way. It's like fighting a war. And I went out to a news conference. They announced, "Anybody that touches any of our monuments or statues goes to jail for 10 years."

Everybody left Washington DC. I was very lonely. They all left. I watched them. I watched their asses from the back. [laughter] That's all I could see is thousands of asses. And that stopped. We got it stopped. We got it stopped quickly. They all left immediately, and they haven't come back.

January 20, 2025

I think this—we—first of all, I just got here. So my people came in—they have extraordinary decorator sense. Right? Let me just see some of the pictures there.

[The President gestured toward the portraits hanging on the walls around the room.]

That's a good one. I could live with him. I can live with George Washington, I can tell you. I can live with Thomas Jefferson. I can live with most of them. They took a very safe route. They didn't have—they don't have any bad ones up there.